Toledo
A city in south central Spain, by the River Tagus. Toledo was a Roman colony (founded 193 BCE), a Visigoth capital, and an important Moorish city (712-1085). After the Christian reconquest (1085) Toledo was a great Castil-ian city where Arabs, Jews, and Christians met; it was known for its Hebrew studies until the expulsion of the Jews in the late 15th century. Despite its part in the revolt of the COMUNEROS (1520-21) Toledo was a favorite residence of King Charles I of Spain (Emperor CHARLES V). When PHILIP II made Madrid his capital (1560) Toledo’s importance declined, but it continued to prosper from its cloth and silk industries and the manufacture of fine steel goods, notably swords.
During the Renaissance the great Catholic reformer, Cardinal XIMENES, was archbishop of Toledo and an important patron of scholarship. El GRECO lived in Toledo from 1577 until his death in 1614. Notable buildings include the Moorish quarter, the cathedral (1226-1493), the monastery of San Juan de los Reyes and the Casa de la Santa Hermandad (both built in the late 15th and 16th centuries), and the Alcazar (begun 1531), with its facade by Juan de HERRERA.
Tolomei, Claudio
(1492-1556) Italian writer Tolomei was born in Siena but was banished in 1526 because of his association with the Medici. He was later recalled and achieved high political office in the city. Tolomei is chiefly known for two dialogues, Il Polito (1525) and Il Cesano (1555) in which he discusses the phonology of the Tuscan language, the relation between speech and text, and the origins of language. In his poetry he applied classical metrical forms to vernacular verse (Versi e regole della nuova poesia toscana, 1539). His letters were published in seven books (1547).
Tomkins,
(1572-1656) English composer Tomkins received his early musical education at St. David’s cathedral, Pembrokeshire. He was sent to London in 1594 to study with William BYRD, and in 1596 he was appointed organist and choirmaster of Worcester cathedral, a post he held until 1646 when the Civil War brought an end to choral services there. He graduated in music at Oxford in 1607, and became a Gentleman of the Chapel Royal in 1617 and its organist in 1621. The most important collection of his compositions is the posthumous Mu-sica Deo Sacra (1668). He also published a volume of madrigals entitled Songs (1622).
Topsell, Edward
(1572-1625) English naturalist Little is known of Topsell’s life other than that he was a clergyman and held a number of livings in southeast England. His interest in zoology appears to have been stimulated by the need to identify the various animals referred to in the Bible. The result of his researches was his Histo-rie of Four-footed Beastes (1607) and Historie of Serpents (1608). Both works are entirely uncritical and derivative; they are, nonetheless, the first illustrated natural history works to be published in English.
Tordesillas, Treaty of
(June 7, 1494) The agreement between Portugal and Spain intended to settle conflicting claims in the New World and to exclude other rivals. In 1493 Pope ALEXANDER VI established a line of demarcation from pole to pole 100 leagues west of the Cape Verde islands. Portugal was to have the monopoly of exploration to the east of the line and Spain to the west, but neither should occupy territories already under Christian rule. Portugal was understandably dissatisfied; after prolonged negotiations the Portuguese and Spanish ambassadors agreed on the Treaty of Tordesillas, which confirmed the papal idea of demarcation but moved the line 270 leagues further west. This enabled Portugal to claim Brazil when CABRAL landed there (1500). Pope JULIUS II approved the treaty in 1506.
Torquemada, Tomas de
(1420-1498) Spanish Dominican inquisitor
As confessor to the Spanish monarchs FERDINAND (II) AND ISABELLA I, Torquemada, himself born of Jewish descent in Valladolid, encouraged them to attack openly practicing Jews and CONVERSOS. In 1478 the queen persuaded Pope Sixtus IV to unify the inquisitions of Castile and Aragon under Torquemada’s control, giving him power to appoint, dismiss, and hear appeals from other inquisitors. He organized the SPANISH INQUISITION under five territorial tribunals, with one supreme appellate council directed by himself. The Ordinances he issued (1484) regulated inquisitorial procedures in Spain for the next 300 years. From 1483 onwards Torquemada used these vast policing and judicial powers to try and punish spiritual offenders on a grand scale: 2000 were executed during his tenure of office, and vast numbers were punished with imprisonment and confiscation of property. Torquemada used an alleged ritual murder of a Christian baby by Jews in La Guardia as a pretext to expel non-converso Jews and Muslims from Spain in 1492.
Torres Naharro, Bartolome de
(c. 1485-c. 1524) Spanish playwright
He was born at La Torre de Miguel Sesmero, near Badajoz, and was probably educated at Salamanca. For a time he served as a soldier, was captured by pirates, sold into slavery in Algiers, and later ransomed. He was then ordained a priest and spent his life in Italy, at Rome and Naples, where a number of prelates were his patrons. A collection of comedies together with some poems and a theoretical "Prohemio" on comedy was published in 1517 as Propal-ladia. (Literally, "the first things of Pallas," the title suggests that a further volume of works was to follow, but none was published.) The collection was widely read and reprinted a number of times with additional comedies (ultimately six, after the addition of Calamita, 1520, and Aquilina, 1524).
In the "Prohemio" Torres Naharro defines comedy as an ingenious arrangement of incidents with a happy ending. He follows the five-act structure and divides comedies into two types: comedias a noticia, realistic plays about the lower social orders; and comedias a fantasia, imaginative plays. To the latter category of romantic comedy belong Serafina, Himenea, Calamita, and Aquilina. Comedia Hime-nea, his best play, owes something to LA CELESTINA and was the earliest capa y espada (cape and sword) play on the theme of honor; it introduced such conventional characters as the lover (galdn), the lady (dama), and the comic servant (gracioso). His realistic comedias a noticia are Co-media Soldadesca and Comedia Trinellaria. His works were placed on the 1559 INDEX LIBRORUM PROHIBITORUM, but an expurgated edition was allowed in 1573.
Torrigiano, Pietro d’Antonio
(1472-1528) Italian sculptor
A native of Florence, Torrigiano is notorious for breaking the nose of MICHELANGELO when they were fellow students, an exploit for which he was vilified by CELLINI, VASARI, and other contemporaries. After wandering about Italy for some time as a soldier, Torrigiano visited Antwerp and in about 1511 reached England, where he executed his finest works. The first representative of the Italian Renaissance in English art, he was commissioned to produce the tombs of Henry VII and his wife Elizabeth of York (1511-18) in Westminster Abbey, and also that of Henry’s mother Lady Margaret BEAUFORT. Other works in England included an altar (1517, destroyed in 1641), a medallion of Sir Thomas Lovell, and the tomb of Dr John Yonge (1516; Public Record Office). Moving to Seville during the 1520s, Torrigiano was imprisoned by the Spanish Inquisition and starved himself to death. Works executed in Seville include two polychromed terracottas, St. Jerome Kneeling in Penitence and a Virgin and Child.
Toscanelli, Paolo dal Pozzo
(1397-1482) Italian mathematician and geographer
Toscanelli was educated at Padua and became an official astrologer at Florence, where he moved in a circle of distinguished humanists. He exerted a notable influence on his contemporaries, particularly with his theories about perspective and the possibility of a sea route westward across the Atlantic to China; despite their inaccuracy, his calculations on the latter issue, which overturned those of the geographers of antiquity, are known to have inspired COLUMBUS.
Tournebe, Adrien (Turnebus)
(1512-1565) French humanist scholar
He was born at Les Andelys, Normandy, and studied at Paris before becoming professor of belles-lettres at Toulouse. Returning to Paris in 1547 he became lecteur royal at the College de France and in 1552 succeeded Robert ESTIENNE as director of the royal press. In this role he oversaw the production of major new texts of the Greek playwrights Aeschylus and Sophocles (1552-53) and of Homer’s Iliad (1557). He was also renowned for his knowledge of ancient Greek philosophy, and his extensive interests were demonstrated in his Adversaria (1564-65) and in his complete works, published by his son Etienne in 1600.
Tragedy
In the Middle Ages tragedy, like COMEDY, was understood in literary rather than dramatic terms. It concerned the fall of a prince or other great personage from prosperity to adversity and thus illustrated the mutability of FORTUNE. The remedy, most eloquently stated in the De consolatione philosophiae of Boethius (c. 480-524 CE), was faith in divine providence. Attachment to wordly things binds man to the wheel of Fortune; awareness of his true end frees him from its inevitable fluctuations. In this thoroughly Christian context, tragedy in the classical mode was not possible. No action was complete in this life but extended beyond; the ultimate outcome was a matter for comedy, in DANTE’s sense. Thus even Adam’s sin and the fall of man involved the paradox of the felix culpa in that it led to the Incarnation and the redemption of mankind by Christ. Such conceptions continued into the Renaissance and are found, for example, in works by PETRARCH, BOCCACCIO, and CHAUCER.
Toward the beginning of the 16th century, however, there was a renewed, classically inspired interest in tragedy as drama. SENECA whose closet dramas on Greek models had colored the medieval literary view of tragedy, was translated into Italian in 1497. His influence was a dominant strand in Renaissance tragedy and in Elizabethan England was responsible for the vogue of the revenge play. In Italy an improved Latin translation of Aristotle’s Poetics was published in 1498 and the Greek text in 1508. At the turn of the century appeared the AL-DINE PRESS edition of the Greek tragedians, and ERASMUS’s Latin translations of Euripides’ Hecuba and Iphigenia were published in Paris in 1506. Giangiorgio TRISSINO’s Sophon-isba (1515; performed 1562) is the earliest Renaissance tragedy in purely classical style, a direct imitation of Greek models. CINTHIO’s Orbecche (1541) established the Senecan model (a five-act structure with horrendous carnage and appropriate moralizing). Other notable Italian plays were Giovanni Rucellai’s Rosamunda (1525), ALA-MANNl’s Antigone (1533), SPERONl’s Canace e Macereo (1542), Pietro ARETlNO’s Orazia (1546), GROTO’s Dalida (1572), TASSO’s Torrismondo (1587), and Federico della Valla’s Reina di Scozia (1595). The pressure of classical imitation restricted the development of Italian tragedy; it failed to achieve successes equal to the less purist (and more popular) English examples and was soon displaced by the taste for tragicomedy and opera.
Although there are no significant French tragedies before the era of Pierre Corneille and Jean Racine, some 16th-century works of note are: Lazare de Baif’s translation of Sophocles’ Electra (1537), the Bordeaux-based Scot George BUCHANAN’s Latin versions of Euripides (Medea and Alcestis, written c. 1539) and his own Baptistes sive ca-lumnia and Jephthes sive votum (written c. 1540 and 1542, respectively), Marc-Antoine MURET’s Julius Caesar tragoe-dia (1544), Jean Bochetel’s translation of Euripides’ Hecuba (1544), and the first original French tragedy, Etienne jODELLE’s CleopAtre captive (acted 1552).
In Spain Jeronimo Bermudez (c. 1530-99), Cristob al de Virues (c. 1550-1614), and Lupercio Leonardo de Ar-gensola (1559-1613) wrote Senecan plays. Juan de la CUEVA produced four tragedies, but CERVANTES’ El cerco de Numancia is the most distinguished example before Lope de VEGA and the heyday of the Spanish theater. In England publication of the historical chronicles of Edward Hall (1548) and Raphael Holinshead (1577), Jasper Heywood’s translations of Seneca (from 1559), and Thomas NORTH’s version of Plutarch’s Lives (1579) all stimulated the making of tragedies. The earliest was Gorboduc (1561), a Senecan drama by Thomas Sackville and Thomas Norton, which introduced blank verse to the English stage.
Thomas Preston’s clumsy and incoherent Cambises (1569) was followed by the great tragedies of MARLOWE, KYD’s Spanish Tragedy, and SHAKESPEARE’s masterpieces.
Translation
The translation of texts was one of the characteristic activities of the Renaissance, enabling a wider range of people than ever before to profit from contact with the literature of ancient Greece and Rome (see TRANSLATIONS OF CLASSICAL AUTHORS) and with the major works written in other European tongues (see TRANSLATIONS OF CONTEMPORARY AUTHORS). Similarly, the numerous vernacular versions of the Bible (see BIBLE, TRANSLATIONS OF) were both motive and product of the religious ferment of the times.
The principles governing translation had been discussed in antiquity—by CICERO, HORACE, and St. Jerome, among others—and the debate was continued by the early humanists. Leonardo BRUNI, one of the busiest of the early translators, expounded his theory of translation in introductions to his Latin versions of Greek masters, and in his De interpretatione recta he castigated the medieval translators while attempting a formal justification of his own method. Translators’ "apologies" became a standard feature of translations and often throw interesting light on the contemporary status of the author translated as well as on a whole range of linguistic and literary values. Gavin DOUGLAS, for instance, wrote a 500-line prologue to his Scots Eneados, in which he expresses some very characteristic preoccupations: extreme reverence for his author ("Virgillis volume maist excellent"), outrage at earlier botched attempts at translation (in this case CAXTON’s 1490 Eneydos, taken from a French version), and diffidence about his own ability and that of his native "Scottis" tongue ("my rurall vulgar gros") to do justice to the conception and dignity of VIRGIL’s poem.
The point about the insufficiency of the VERNACULAR as a vehicle for the thoughts of the great writers of antiquity was one that vexed most early translators. In the long run their efforts, even if they sometimes stretched the language beyond its limits, had a beneficial effect of raising the level of stylistic awareness and of testing the flexibility of a vernacular in a variety of genres. Douglas regrets that he had to resort on occasions to "Sum bastard Latyn, French or Inglys oys [usage]/Quhar scant was Scottis—I had nane other choys." Such necessity became in many instances a virtue, enlarging and enriching the vocabulary of the vernaculars.
Another question frequently raised by translators was that of fidelity to the words of the original versus fidelity to the spirit. Even those translators who professed the greatest reverence for the original frequently indulged in practices that would be frowned upon by modern purists and scholars; for example, Douglas silently incorporates in his text, at points where he thinks his readers may require it, explanatory material taken from BADIUS’s prose paraphrase of the poem. Likewise a modern translator would not adopt the cavalier attitude to cuts and omissions displayed by Sir John HARINGTON in his preface to his English Orlando furioso (1591), where he admits that he has left out "matters impertinent to us" and "tediouse flatteries of persons that we never heard of."
The status of translation in this period accords with the humanistic and patriotic high-mindedness of most translators. The desire to be useful to one’s fellow-citizens and to improve their cultural environment runs strongly through their accounts of their motives; underpinning this was the theory that it was beneficial to copy a good model (see CRITICISM, LITERARY). As Harington observed, it was preferable "to be called rather one of the not worst translators then one of the meaner makers." Certainly in the hands of Jacques AMYOT in France or Philemon HOLLAND in England the translator’s profession attained a literary dignity that it has seldom, if ever, attained since.
Translations of classical authors
The earlier Renaissance was preoccupied with the need to make Greek literature accessible to a Latined audience, and the first translations reflected this need. They also reflected the intellectual priorities of the first humanists; prose precedes verse, and philosophy and history precede other types of prose. Leonardo BRUNI translated Aristotle’s Economics (1419/20), Ethics (before 1416), and Politics (1437), and by 1480 most of the major Aristotelian works had been made available in Latin from the Greek. Translations of PLATO began in 1414, Bruni again leading the way with the Apology, and reached a climax with FICINO’s comprehensive rendering, completed in 1477. The Greek historians attracted attention as well as the more historical public speeches of Demosthenes. The chief works here were Lorenzo VALLA’s incomplete version of Herodotus (1457) and his complete translation of Thucydides (1452). By 1460 all the important Greek historians were available and the indefatigable Bruni had translated On the Crown, the Olynthiacs, and On the False Embassy, among other public speeches in the Demosthenic corpus. Poetry and purely literary texts were less commonly translated. Homer’s Iliad was translated into Latin prose as far as book 16 by Valla (1442-44). Some of Lucian’s Dialogues were translated by Bruni and many more by ERASMUS, who also translated Hecuba and Iphigenia by Euripides (1506).
As the ideas of the Renaissance began to spread they were diffused to an audience which has no access to the classical languages. The prestige of the classics made more people eager to make contact with ancient literature and the increased affluence of the mercantile classes created a market for vernacular translations to satisfy a public who had neither time nor inclination to submit themselves to the long apprenticeship of learning Latin and Greek. A common feature of vernacular translations is the expressed desire of the translators to benefit their audience either in practical ways or by increasing the general level of cultivation in society. The number of vernacular translations in the period before 1620 was huge, and the quality inevitably varied.
Classical works for translation into the vernacular were selected on different criteria from those used by scholars turning Greek into Latin for the benefit of the learned community. Although improvement of the reader was a prime (expressed) aim, entertainment and relaxation were also important. Fidelity to the original was not high on the list of priorities; rather, the aim was to make the ancient author "live" again in the translator’s native tongue. Some highly successful translations were not even taken from the original text but from an intervening translation, as was the case with Plutarch’s Lives (1579) translated by Thomas NORTH from the French version (1559) of Jacques AMYOT.
Translations of contemporary authors
The perceived inferiority of the VERNACULAR among many Renaissance savants dampened the impulse to translate original works in these tongues into other vernaculars. Proficiency in European tongues other than one’s own only gradually gained ground as an educational accomplishment, and then it was ambassadors, merchants, and other travelers, rather than scholars, who were responsible for vernacular to vernacular translations. The automatic respect accorded to ancient Latin and Greek authors (see TRANSLATIONS OF CLASSICAL AUTHORS) recommended them to the translators’ attention, while a contemporary writer, however esteemed in his own country, might be suspect on religious, political, or moral grounds.
The international organization of the BOOK TRADE enabled books, especially in Latin, to circulate easily throughout Europe, and popular and controversial contemporary texts like Erasmus’s Encomium Moriae (see PRAISE OF FOLLY, THE), More’s UTOPIA, and Calvin’s INSTITUTES were quickly translated. Sometimes a vernacular work was translated into Latin to increase its readership, as in the case of Sebastian BRANT’s Das Narrenschyff (1494); Jakob Locher made a free Latin translation (Stul-tifera Navis, 1497), which was again freely interpreted by Alexander Barclay in his Ship of Fools (1509). By such processes Renaissance translations sometimes came to bear little resemblance to their purported originals.
Vernacular to vernacular translations were a product both of the international book trade and of fashions in travel. The young Englishmen who visited Italy in the second half of the 16th century, for instance, promoted an interest in the Italian language and literature, which manifested itself in translations of works ranging from bawdy tales to moral tracts. Books on morals and manners seem to have achieved a particularly wide circulation in translation. Castiglione’s Il cortegiano (1528; see COURTIER, THE) progressed quickly into Spanish (1534) and French (1538), then English (1561) and Polish (1566), and a Latin version in 1571. A trilingual (Latin, French, Spanish) version of Il Galateo (1558) by DELLA CASA appeared in 1598. Guevara’s Reloj de principes (1539) spawned French, Italian, and English versions within two decades of publication. The admiration accorded to Ariosto’s ORLANDO FURIOSO as the preeminent epic of the early Renaissance is reflected in numerous partial or complete translations: into Spanish (1549), a French prose version (1555), Latin extracts (1588), English (1591; see HARING-TON, SIR JOHN), Dutch (1615), and German (1636), among others. Two Spanish prose narratives that attracted the translators and became influential throughout Europe in their respective genres were the pastoral romance LA DIANA (1559) by Jorge de Montemayor and Cervantes’s novel DON QUIXOTE.
Transubstantiation
The Roman Catholic doctrine that, at a priest’s consecrating words, the deep reality (the "substances") of the bread and wine in the Eucharist becomes the body and blood of Christ, although the appearance (or "accidents") of the elements remains unchanged. The doctrine became a matter of fierce controversy in the 16th century, when it was repudiated as unscriptural and idolatrous by leading reformers. In its place LUTHER taught a relatively conservative doctrine of "consubstantiation," in which the substances of the bread and wine are held to coexist with the substances of Christ’s body and blood. The Swiss Protestant ZWINGLI went much further, insisting that the Eucharistic elements are mere symbols, while Calvinists and most Anglicans held an intermediate position, in which Christ was considered to be spiritually but not physically present (see REAL PRESENCE). As the 16th century progressed, the Catholic Church increased its emphasis on the importance of transubstantiation, as it provided a unifying belief, distinguishing Roman faith from Protestant objections. Pius IV underlined papal commitment to transubstantiation in a Bull of 1565.
Travel
Travel during the Renaissance was essentially a serious matter, undertaken with a definite goal in mind and, because of the many perils and discomforts that beset it, never embarked on lightly. The concept of travel for leisure or pleasure-seeking was unheard-of, although there is evidence, increasing toward the end of the period, of a minority for whom the experience of travel itself and the acquisition of knowledge about foreign places and people were the paramount objectives. The Renaissance coincided with the start of the great age of European EXPLORATION, but of course not all journeys were undertaken as trail-blazing voyages of discovery; travel in more or less known lands—Europe, the Mediterranean basin, the Near East—also played an important part in the fabric of Renaissance experience.
Travelers’ narratives of the late Middle Ages and Renaissance are the work of the very small number of people who had both the incentive and the financial means to travel as well as some specific purpose in mind in writing up their experiences. There were four main categories of motive: military, religious, mercantile, and diplomatic. A war or crusade was obviously an occasion that took large numbers of men far from home, but the ordinary illiterate soldier left no written record. PILGRIMAGE was another occasion for travel, and here there are a number of surviving accounts written primarily for the edification of the pious at home but often also containing valuable information on travel conditions en route to the major pilgrim destinations of Rome, Jerusalem, and Santiago de Compostela. Pilgrimage is also significant in that it was almost the only respectable pretext on which a woman could travel. Within Europe and the Near East, trade and commerce were prime motives for travel, as they were for exploration further afield. As far as DIPLOMACY is concerned, papal envoys and other ecclesiastics had always traversed Christendom on Church business, but in the Renaissance they were joined by a growing number of secular legations.
Long-distance land travel in Europe still relied to some degree on the old network of Roman roads, now much decayed. In a feudal society the lack of any centralized body charged with repairing roads meant that the local peasantry had to be coerced into doing the work as a form of forced labor. The generally poor condition of the roads meant that wheeled traffic was a rarity, and most travelers relied on horses to cover any significant distance, while the poorest walked; goods were mainly carried on mules. Rivers were often a major barrier; to cross them the choice lay between narrow wooden bridges or ferries behind which the travelers’ horses and pack animals had to swim. Mountains were an even more serious obstacle; the passes of the Alps had a fearsome reputation for avalanches, storms, and robbers, though the plight of travelers was somewhat eased by the building of hospices on major routes such as the St. Gotthard and Great St. Bernard passes. Different countries and localities had different measures of distance, so journey lengths were generally reckoned in hours or days. An official courier on a main route with regular changes of horses could make much better time than an ordinary traveler relying entirely upon his own beast.
Travel by water had its own set of drawbacks. Cramped and unhygienic conditions were unavoidable on the tiny ships, even for those who could afford to buy space in a cabin. Adverse weather conditions could cause lengthy delays and diversions, and the onset of winter generally meant that no commercial shipping left harbor for several months. Shipwreck was an ever-present possibility, and it even spawned a subgenre of Portuguese literature known as historia trdgico-maritima after the title of the collection of 16th-century pamphlets on such disasters published in Lisbon in 1735. During the 16th century pirates operating in the Adriatic and out of the ports of Muslim North Africa became an increasing hazard for Mediterranean mariners.
Arterial rivers such as the Po and Danube had a limited usefulness. Although progress downstream was easy, the return journey against the current was slow and laborious. On some rivers, such as the Rhine, rapids and narrows made matters even worse, and river traffic was also vulnerable to the predations of the bishops and feudal lords whose territories bordered the river, enabling them to set up toll points, particularly at places where chains could be slung from tower to tower across the stream to halt the boats.
Obtaining funds abroad was a problem that was gradually eased as banks and the larger trading companies developed networks of branches and agents across Europe. In the early 14th century, for example, the bank run by the Florentine BARDI FAMILY had branches from Palermo to Bruges and London to Jerusalem. Since carrying a large amount of gold or silver was both impractical and unwise, travelers before setting out had to organize letters of credit that could be presented at places along their route. From the 15th century onward states often insisted that their citizens obtain letters of passport from a competent authority, giving permission to travel abroad, and these could also act as a safe-conduct.
With the advent of printing, local and informal sources of advice for travelers were supplemented by written texts. The market for information in the vernacular on pilgrimage routes is shown by a number of 15th- and 16th-century publications to meet this demand: Die Wal-fahrt und Strass zu sant Jacob (Strasbourg, 1495) on the Santiago de Compostela route and the London printer/ Wynkyn de Worde’s Information for Pilgrims into the Holy Land (1498) are two early examples of this proto-guidebook genre. La Guide des Chemins de France (1552-53), a brainchild of Charles ESTIENNE, appeared under varying titles in a number of editions in the second half of the 16th century and into the 17th. The availability of such practical publications by the early 17th century is assumed in BACON’s advice in his essay "Of Travel," that the traveler should "carry with him…some card or book describing the country where he travelleth."
More generalized guidance was made available to English travelers in Certaine briefe and speciall instructions for Gentlemen, merchants, students, Souldiers, marriners … employed in service abrode or anie way occasioned to converse in the kingdomes and governements of forren Princes (1589), the translation by clergyman Philip Jones of a Latin tract by Albertus Meierus, and in Sir Robert Dalling-ton’s A Method for Travell: Shewed by Taking the View of France. As it Stoode in … 1598 (1605). An indication of the growing tendency to regard travel as an educational experience is the "De Ratione cum fructu peregrinandi" (1578) by Justus LIPSIUS, translated and augmented by Sir John Stradling as A Direction for Travailers (1592) for the benefit of the young Earl of Bedford who was about to embark on a tour abroad. The sour Elizabethan Puritan comments on young gentlemen who went abroad and came back dandified, their heads filled with affectation or Roman Catholicism, indicate that not all youthful travelers heeded sage advice.
Although there had always been travelers, such as CYRIAC OF ANCONA, who used their journeys on other business to observe matters that interested them, the concept of travel for intellectual stimulus and personal gratification is best exemplified toward the end of the Renaissance period. Expanding horizons had created a readership for travel narratives, and some early 17th-century British travelers, notably Thomas CORYATE, seem to have embarked on their journeys mainly out of a sense of adventure—and the idea that their experiences could be turned into good copy. In his Totall Discourse of the Rare Adventures and Painfull Peregrinations of Long Nineteene Yeares Travayles from Scotland to the most Famous King-domes in Europe, Asia and Affrica (1632), William Lithgow (1582-1645), another eccentric traveler, claims to have walked 36,000 miles, while the Itinerary (1617) of Fynes MORYSON is an entertaining assemblage of observations, anecdotes, and vigorously expressed opinions masquerading as a guidebook.
