The Rise of the American System - Liberal Leviathan: The Origins, Crisis, and Transformation of the American World Order - page 151

36 Kenneth Weisbrode, The Atlantic Century: Four Generations of Extraordinary Diplomats Who Forged Amer-
ica's Vital Alliance with Europe (Cambridge, MA: Da Capo, 2009), 20.
37 See Anne-Marie Burley, “Regulating the World: Multilateralism, International Law, and the Project of the
New Deal Regulatory State,” in John G. Ruggie, ed., Multilateralism Matters: The Theory and Praxis of an Institu-
tional Form (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), 125-56.
38 Quotation cited in Van Dormael, Bretton Woods , 45.
39 Cordell Hull gave voice to this basic logic of institutional cooperation in a radio address on May 18, 1941,
arguing that multilateral institutions would “establish . . . the foundations of an international order in which inde-
pendent nations cooperate freely with each other for their mutual gain.” Quoted in Patrick, Best Laid Plans , 51.
40 Patrick, Best Laid Plans , xx.
41 Ruggie, Multilateralism Matters .
42 For arguments that stress the importance of American liberal identity and ideals for postwar order building, see
John G. Ruggie, Winning the Peace: America and World Order in the New Era (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1996); Jeff Legro, Rethinking the World: Great Power Strategies and International Order (Ithaca, NY: Cor-
nell University Press, 2005); and Patrick, Best Laid Plans .
43 For a discussion of security—or institutional—binding, see Ikenberry, After Victory , chap. 3. For a major the-
oretical statement of security co-binding, see Daniel H. Deudney, “The Philadelphia System: Sovereignty, Arms
Control, and Balance of Power in the American States-Union, 1787-1861,” International Organization 49, no. 2
(Spring 1995), 1191-228; and Daniel H. Deudney, Bounding Power: Republican Security Theory from the Polis to
the Global Village (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007). See also Patricia A. Weitsman, Dangerous
Alliances: Proponents of Peace, Weapons of War (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2004); Jeremy Press-
man, Warring Friends: Alliance Restraint in International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008);
and Andrew G. Long, Timothy Nordstrom, and Kyeonghi Baek, “Allying for Peace: Treaty Obligations and Conflict
among Allies,” Journal of Politics 64, no. 4 (November 2007), 1103-17.
44 Paul Schroeder argues that the Concert of Europe was an early manifestation of this binding logic. In this and
later cases, alliances were created as pacta de controhendo , or pacts of restraint. They have served as mechanisms
for states to manage and restrain their partners within the alliance. See Paul W. Schroeder, “Alliances, 1815-1945:
Weapons of Power and Tools of Management,” in Klaus Knorr, ed., Historical Dimensions of National Security
Problems (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1975), 227-62.
45 A treaty governing the relationship between the new German state and Britain, France, and the United States
was signed in 1952, and specified ongoing “rights and responsibilities” of the three powers. “Convention on Rela-
tions between the Three Powers and the Federal Republic of Germany, 26 May 1952, as modified by the Paris Ac-
cords of October 1954,” reprinted in Department of State, Documents on Germany, 1944-1985 (Washington, DC:
Department of State, 1986), 425-30.
46 Walter Lippmann, U.S. Foreign Policy: Shield of the Republic (Boston: Little, Brown, 1943). Lippmann first
used the term “Atlantic community” in the months before the American intervention in World War I. See Walter
Lippmann, “The Defense of the Atlantic World,” New Republic , 10, no. 120 (1917), 59-61. For a discussion see
James R. Huntley, Uniting the Democracies: Institutions of the Emerging Atlantic-Pacific System (New York: New
York University Press, 1980), 5.
47 Ronald Steel notes that this expectation of a consensus-based relationship that muted political hierarchy was
one reason that Europeans embraced the notion of Atlantic community. See Ronald Steel, “How Europe Became At-
lantic: Walter Lippmann and the New Geography of the Atlantic Community,” in Marco Mariano, ed., Defining the
Atlantic Community: Culture, Intellectuals, and the Policies in the Mid-Twentieth Century (New York: Routledge,
2010).
48 The idea of an “Atlantic system” bringing together the United States and Western Europe was repeatedly ad-
vanced at the turn of the century by Henry Adams, a close friend of Secretary of State John Hay. See Henry Adams,
The Education of Henry Adams (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, [1907] 1918). On the late-nineteenth-century Anglo-