The Rise of the American System - Liberal Leviathan: The Origins, Crisis, and Transformation of the American World Order - page 152

American rapprochement, see Lionel M. Gelber, The Rise of Anglo-American Friendship: A Study in World Politics,
1898-1906 (London: Oxford University Press, 1938); Charles S. Campbell, From Revolution to Rapprochement:
The United States and Great Britain, 1783-1900 (New York: Wiley & Sons, 1974); and Charles Kupchan,” Atlantic
Order in Transition: The Nature of Change in U.S.-European Relations,” in Jeffrey Anderson, G. John Ikenberry,
and Thomas Risse, eds., The End of the West? Crisis and Change in the Transatlantic Order (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press, 2008). On the Christian underpinnings of Atlantic ideas, see Emiliano Alessandri, “The Atlantic
Community as Christendom: Some Reflections on Christian Atlanticism in America, circa 1900-1950,” in Mariano,
Defining the Atlantic Community , 47-70.
49 Andrew M. Johnston, Hegemony and Culture in the Origins of NATO Nuclear First-Use, 1945-1955 (New
York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 10.
50 Forrest Davis, The Atlantic System: The Story of Anglo-American Control of the Seas (New York: Reynal and
Hitchcock, 1941), 303.
51 George Marshall, congressional testimony on the European Recovery Program, Department of State Bulletin ,
18 January 1948, 71.
52 Ernst Bevin, speech before House of Commons, 22 January 1948, col. 407-8. Quoted in Patrick Thaddeous
Jackson, “Defending the West: Occidentalism and the Formation of NATO,” Journal of Political Philosophy 11, no.
3 (2003), 241.
53 For an important exploration of the ways in which notions of Western civilization were invoked in the postwar
era by the United States and Europe in negotiations over the reintegration of Germany, see Patrick Thaddeus
Jackson, Civilizing the Enemy: German Reconstruction and the Invention of the West (Ann Arbor: University of
Michigan Press, 2006). See also Mary N. Hampton, “NATO at the Creation: U.S. Foreign Policy, West Germany,
and the Wilsonian Impulse,” Security Studies 4, no. 3 (1995), 610-56; and Mary N. Hampton, The Wilsonian Im-
pulse: U.S. Foreign Policy, the Alliance, and the Reunificataion of Germany (New York: Praeger, 1996).
54 See descriptions of these differences in Huntley, Uniting the Democracies , 15-16; and Weisbrode, Atlantic
Century , chap. 5.
55 Quoted in Weisbrode, Atlantic Century , 160.
56 Clarence Streit, Union Now: A Proposal for a Federal Union of the Democracies of the North Atlantic (New
York: Harper and Brothers, 1939).
57 In his address to Congress on 6 January 1941, FDR called for a world founded on “four essential human
freedoms,” namely, freedom of speech and expression, freedom to worship, freedom from want, and freedom from
fear. Roosevelt argued this would be a “moral order” that was based upon “the cooperation of free countries working
together in a friendly, civilized way.”
58 See Mary Ann Glendon, A World Made New: Eleanor Roosevelt and the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights (New York: Random House, 2002).
59 Jack Donnelly, Universal Human Rights in Theory and Practice (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2002).
60 Dean Acheson, “Formation of National Policy in the U.S.,” lecture, Washington, DC, December 1947.
61 See Ikenberry, After Victory , chap. 6.
62 See discussion in chapter 3.
63 On Roosevelt's wartime efforts to forge an internationalist foreign policy, see Divine, Second Chance ; and
Robert Dallek, FDR and American Foreign Policy, 1932-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979).
64 See Kimball, Juggler , chap. 3.
65 Robin Edmonds, Setting the Mould: The United States and Britain, 1945-1950 (New York: Norton, 1986),
96-97.
66 See Ikenberry, “Creating Yesterday's New World Order.”
67 Quoted in Gardner, Sterling-Dollar Diplomacy , 242-46.
68 On these early steps toward Cold War, see Melvyn P. Leffler, For the Soul of Mankind: The United States, the
Soviet Union, and the Cold War (New York: Hill and Wang, 2007), 48-57.