Comparative Research Design - The Politics of Water Institutional Reform in Neopatrimonial States - page 62

were functioning (Pulatov 2004: 81). In Kyrgyzstan, the number of water gauging stations has
been reduced by two thirds. 54
In Tajikistan, water infrastructure was not only affected by the general economic decline
after the dissolution of the Soviet Union but also by the subsequent civil war. Though exact
data are unavailable, according to estimates by the MinVodKhoz in Tajikistan about 50% of the
irrigation systems and 65% of the pumping systems are in poor condition or are not function
ing at all. Calculations assess the costs for renovation at about 130 Mio Dollar, including 22
Mio Dollar annual maintenance costs (UNDP 2003: 55 57; USAID 2002: 1; Bucknall et al.
2003: 27). This has an impact on water usage: Water gauges are out of operation so that far
mers cannot calculate exact amounts and use more water than necessary. This leads to saliniza
tion and a rise of groundwater levels (UNDP 2003: 26f). 55 In general it is estimated, that in
Central Asia about 30% of the water allotted for irrigation is lost between the source and the
farm intake due to evaporation in open channels, filtration, etc (Thurman 2002: 13). For Taji
kistan, these numbers are even higher. UNDP even estimates that about 60% of the water
does not reach the fields (UNDP 2003: 35).
To sum up, in the light of the uneasy relations between the Central Asian states, the lack
of will to cooperate, and the break down of Soviet regional regulations, both countries strive
for self sufficiency in the energy sector by increasing hydropower generation and aim for food
security by expanding irrigation agriculture. However, both are inhibited in their ambitions to
make use of the potential of their water resources due to existing regional agreements and
financial limitations. Therefore, on the one hand water is an economically important resource
for both countries. On the other hand, due to the above mentioned constraints there is a need
to use it efficiently and to cope with the deterioration of the technical infrastructure.

5.5 Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan as Neopatrimonial Regimes

The last sections described the context variables of water institutional reform. These factors
are similar in both countries, as well as in many other developing countries which likewise face
the task to develop reforms for good water governance. This chapter will now describe the
independent variable. Reconsidering our premise that water scarcity is a not a first order
scarcity and that the societal rules of water governance are crucial in addressing the water crisis,
it is this regime type that defines the institutional context of water institutional reform. The
explanatory variable hence is the neopatrimonial political regime whose characteristics both
states are assumed to fulfill. It sets the parameters for politics; it shapes the conditions of the
processes through which actors establish and implement rules. It defines the 'corridor' that
constrains as well as enables actors' behavior by shaping their perceptions, interests, and strat
egies.

54 Author's interview with a senior official at the DepVodKhoz , Bishkek, 09/11/2003.
55 The hydro power sector is also affected by the transformation crisis. During Soviet rule, the Tajik energy sector
produced 150 Mio USD annually. Subtracting the costs for O&M of 60 Mio USD this was a net gain of 90 Mio USD.
Since independence, the revenues declined to 40 Mio USD per year, which are entirely used to cover the costs of
operation. Due to the lacking 20 Mio per year, capital renovation was not possible during the last 15 years, resulting in
the breakdown of turbines and transformators, leakage of dams. Therefore Tajikistan now needs to discharge about
30% more water to produce the average amount of energy of 15 billions kW than under normal conditions (UNDP
2003: 25, 46f).