In the fifth century BCE a thirty-year old Indian prince called Siddartha (c. 566-486 BCE) abandoned royal status, family life, and all the comforts of civilization. For six years he wandered through the forests of what is today northern India, living as a celibate ascetic and seeking a solution to the problem of human suffering, which he framed within the endless round of being born, growing old, and dying, only to be reborn once again. This cycle is known in Sanskrit as samsara (transmigration). Prince Siddartha wanted to know if there was a way out— nirvana ("extinction")—of samsara (for an extensive discussion of nirvana and its synonyms, see Collins 1998, pp. 191-233). He sought a solution by studying with various ascetic teachers, none of whom could fully satisfy his questions, and by meditating and practicing severe asceticism, such as eating only one sesame seed, one grain of rice, and one juniper berry a day. His determination attracted five male disciples who looked after him.
The world of the forest recluse was predominantly male. A significant part of what Prince Siddartha had rejected in leaving city life was contact with women. Gender has been a contested issue since the earliest days of Buddhism, with many denying that women can achieve nirvana, asserting they must first reincarnate as men. Ironically, as Siddartha sat meditating and wasting away, a woman, his dead mother, Queen Maya, appeared and reminded him of the prediction at the time of his birth that he would achieve nirvana, which was in jeopardy because of his continued austerities. He reassured her that he would attain his goal, and she returned to heaven. It is at this point that Prince Siddartha began to change his regimen, began to turn back toward the world and, indeed, began his reconciliation with women.
Realizing that his body was too weak to achieve nirvana, he decided to eat solid food. His five male disciples, believing he had abandoned asceticism, deserted him.
But some young village women came and offered him a dish of rice and milk, which he accepted. Several other women, human and divine, also helped to restore his strength so that he could take his seat under the Bo tree where he would achieve nirvana (Young 2004, pp. 1-19).
He then proceeded through a series of ever-deepening states of meditation throughout the night. It has long been debated exactly what he experienced on that night (Collins 1998, pp. xiii-xiv; Spiro 1982, pp. 56-59; Welbon 1968, passim), but its outcome, his achievement of nirvana, is a defining principle of Buddhism that changed the religious face of much of Asia. After this experience he was given the title of Buddha, the "awakened" or "enlightened one."
Two points need to be made: First, when the Buddha achieved nirvana he became an enlightened being, and second, when he died he achieved parinirvana, meaning he would never be reborn. This understanding postulates that samsara and nirvana are two different kinds of existence, one ruled by desire and the other a realm where desire is extinguished. This is the general view of Theravada Buddhism. A later tradition, Mahayana Buddhism, postulates instead that these are radically different states of mind. Whatever the metaphysical nature of nirvana, its social reality was and remains structured by a celibate, male hierarchy that seeks nirvana while being supported by a lay community for whom they perform various religious and educational tasks.
Theravada Buddhism has received the most anthropological attention, beginning with Melford Spiro in 1970 dividing it into Nibbanic (nirvanic) and Kammatic (karmatic) Buddhism. Nibbanic Buddhism is practiced by some monks—in Max Weber’s terms the "religious virtuosi"—who renounce the world in order to seek nirvana, and Kammatic Buddhism is practiced by most monks and members of the laity who follow Buddhist precepts and practices in order to improve their karma and be reborn in a better situation for pursuing nirvana. A third category, apotropaic Buddhism, offers protective practices against adversity and promotes well-being (Spiro [1970] 1982, pp. 9-12). All three types are of necessity interrelated. Richard Gombrich in 1971 published similar findings for Buddhist Ceylon (present-day Sri Lanka) (pp. 16-17 and 214-224). Both Spiro and Gombrich were interested in how pivotal religious ideas, such as nirvana, are maintained and yet also reinterpreted by those unable to live up to them. Spiro contrasted what the canonical text contained with actual practices. Gombrich contrasted what people said they did with what they actually did.
The main point, though, is that most Buddhists are pursuing nirvana in their various ways, and a significant number of them are living celibate lives either permanently or as temporary monks. Steven Collins has drawn out the economic advantages of an agrarian society that delays or limits marriage and thus the population, thereby creating surplus food production (Collins 1998, pp. 92—93). In his analysis the ideology of nirvana created an imaginaire that produced a hope for salvation that shaped social and economic realities. In other words, Collins repositioned nirvana as central to all forms of Buddhist practice (Collins 1998, pp. 116-117).
The achievement of nirvana is believed to be accompanied by omniscience and magical powers, and it raises an individual’s esteem as well as that of his religious followers and his religious community. Powerful and famous people come to visit an enlightened monk, seeking his advice and blessing as well as to establish themselves publicly as devout Buddhists, especially around election time. Stanley Tambiah’s study of the cult of amulets among Thai Buddhists reveals that the most esteemed amulets were those blessed by enlightened forest saints, monks who had withdrawn from village life to pursue nirvana (Tambiah 1984, pp. 3, 135-136). Similarly, in Mahayana Buddhism those monks believed to be enlightened attract more followers and receive far greater contributions than other monks. Consequently, many of those believed to have achieved nirvana wield wealth and influence.
