Amish Dedication to Farming and Adoption of Organic Dairy Systems - Re-Thinking Organic Food and Farming in a Changing World - page 237

Amish individuals are committed to farming despite low levels of satisfaction with
farm income because of the connection they feel with God, family and community.
The Amish illustrate principled satisficing as they are more satisfied with their
net farm income than either conventional or grazier farmers (30 % of the Amish
were somewhat to very satisfied compared to 5 % of conventional farmers and
6 % of grazier farmers (Brock and Barham 2009 ). While these comparisons only
offer prima facie evidence, consider that even though the Amish produce Grade B
milk and receive a lower price for milk than non-Amish fluid milk producers, the
Amish still have a higher level of satisfaction with milk prices. One Hillsboro Amish
expresses this extreme sense of contentment: “We have [

] a good living here. We
have enough to eat.” It would be difficult to imagine a non-Amish farmer expressing
that having enough to eat is a good living. This example illustrates how Amish may
require less to be “satisfied.” Amish contentment theology emphasizes simplicity
and consumption of only basic goods, such as food, housing, and clothing, and this
may be the key to their survival on the land despite milking a small number of cows
and getting much lower prices for their milk (Hostetler 1993 ).
Rather than focusing on labor that maximizes income, the Amish pursue work
activities that bind together the family unit and the larger community, and thus
sustain the interaction of the social, spiritual and the economic spheres of the
oikonomia framework. Indeed, contrary to most labor-leisure household economics
model assumptions, farm labor is widely viewed by Amish as a benefit rather than
a cost because it binds the family and church community together. Moreover, the
Amish see hand labor as a calling described in Genesis as they state they want
to do work “by the sweat of our brow”. Indeed, the Amish view dairy farming
in particular as the most desirable farm enterprise because of its significant and
constant labor demands. The fact that 80 % of Amish farmers in Wisconsin have
dairy herds, compared to 22 % of farms across the state, exemplifies this preference
(Cross 2007 ). One Amish elder goes so far as to say, “Those who have a farm but
don't milk cows scare me [

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] milking ties you down.” Based on the commitment
required, this elder seems to consider being “tied down” as a benefit not a cost.
By contrast, vegetable and crop farming only require intensive labor effort
during the growing season whereas dairy farming operations have continuous
labor demands for milking, feeding, and tending the animals, at least twice a day
throughout the year. The Amish exemplify these oikonomia dimensions of farming
as a lifestyle, although it is important to mention that family labor and the values
that a farm upbringing instills in children are also an important focus for many
types of non-Amish dairy farmers. Indeed, surveys of non-Amish dairy farmers in
the area reveal that family and the associated rural lifestyle ranks as the top reason
for farming for them as well (Brock 2010 ).
Amish dedication to farming may also rest on value loss aversion rationale as evi-
denced by the argument made in their national newsletters that farming is necessary
to maintain a Christian/Amish faith life. In addition to the strong oikonomia values
that underpin the Cashton and Hillsboro Amish settlements' dedication to farming,
there is also uncertainty about the potential negative ramifications of other forms of
work on their families, church, and community. According to some members of the

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