Agriculture Reference
In-Depth Information
Cashton and Hillsboro Amish, other settlements where day labor instead of farming
has become the predominant way of generating income have made sacrifices in
terms of their community and spiritual well-being in ways that are not totally known
or understood. Some of the Amish fear that disposable income will cause their
children to leave the church (Kraybill and Nolt 2004 ). When asked what is the
biggest obstacle for the Amish people, an elder responded by stating, “The devil.
He's very busy [
] In prosperity; the devil gets a lot of people. When prosperity
goes too far, it is dangerous- we should make a living but not more.” An avoidance
of this uncertainty plays a major role in their choice to dairy farm and to remain
dedicated to it despite financial stresses. This uncertainty seems to be rooted in
bounded rationality behaviors and may help us understand why farming is slower
to change than other sectors (Kraybill and Nolt 2004 ) and why there are divergent
views amongst the Amish about organic farming.
The Amish in Southwest Wisconsin remain dedicated to farming despite eco-
nomic pressures because of the social/spiritual value of farm labor. Farm input costs
have risen, and are more volatile, and milk prices have had several low periods
especially for the Grade B milk that the Amish produce. In response, there has been
some shift away from relying on dairy income among the Cashton and Hillsboro
Amish, but they continue to keep at least part of their household connected to
farming. As one Cashton elder states, when they first settled here in the 1960s dairy
farming was about 85 % of the Amish family income and 15 % came from non-dairy
income, and now it may be the reverse, 85 % non-dairy and 15 % dairy. It seemed
evident from interviews and Amish farm newsletters that the prices of farm products
were often not enough to cover their costs of production. Many of the Cashton and
Hillsboro Amish say that they would rather be full time farming, and would prefer to
have more dairy cows if they could make it economically viable. In fact, the Amish
maintain very small herd sizes (around 13 cows per family). These herd sizes are
generally smaller than they were for the Amish a generation ago, and are far smaller
than the average Wisconsin farm (which is now close to 100 cows).
The decrease in herd sizes among the Amish may be due to their inability to
make a substantial income from the dairy operation. One farmer reported that he had
“been squeaking by for a long time,” and these kinds of comments were common
amongst Amish farmers. Another farmer stated, “I gotta' go to the saw mill to
support my cows.” In fact, in both the Cashton and Hillsboro settlements, Amish
families operate a variety of cottage industries on their farms which include saw
mills, woodworking, bakeries, quilt fabricating, and processing of food products,
all of which are used to secure additional income for the household.
In summary, the Amish clearly are dedicated to farming and particularly dairy
farming for financial reasons. And unlike most dairy farmers in Wisconsin, their
income from the dairy is not their primary source of income. In fact, their continued
dedication to farming seems to run against the principles of rational decision
making which makes an oikonomia -bounded rationality framework more useful for
studying decisions around farming than a standard, income and leisure maximizing
neoclassical framework.
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