Geography Reference
In-Depth Information
migrants, in order to create more informed and trusting relations between diverse
groups. This avoids or at least reduces the development of misinformed views about
neighbours who are socially different, which can lead to hostility and even conflict.
In this context some of the discursive ideas of communication theorists may help
ease the path to understanding, especially the idea of the marginal publics, or coun-
ter-publics sphere. Essentially this involves the creation of spaces of communication
and argument in which the hegemonic views of the dominant power in areas, whether
market or government institutions, are challenged by alternative voices. For exam-
ple, Wolf-Powers (
2009
) showed how the development of alternative discourses of
different groups in the Bedford-Stuyvesant area of New York from the late 1960s,
helped by sensitive TV programmes, and later by websites and blogs, altered the way
that neighbourhood residents felt about their area and spread information about the
effects of redevelopment proposals. This gave residents the confidence to raise issues
and expose the relative benefits and dis-utilities of new plans. In addition, it led to
different perceptions of the area by many outsiders, who realised that their prejudices
of the area being only a black, dysfunctional ghetto was unfair. Even though there
were high crime rates in the area, it contained many people who wanted to improve
their life-prospects and who were the main victims of the local crime. This example
demonstrates the utility of a multi-faceted approach in creating community spaces
that has led to a great deal of success. However, the ability of grass roots organiza-
tions alone to generate positive change must not be exaggerated, especially in the
most disadvantaged areas. Community or grass roots organizations suffer from many
problems, such as motivating people to act to improve their area, finding effective
leaders, having the ability to maintain pressure for positive change and to raise suf-
ficient funds to continue their work (Davies and Herbert
1993
, Chap. 7). Given such
problems, municipalities ought to accept the need to help all of their residents, rather
than automatically favouring market-led developments, such as by allowing planners
to use their expertise to play a more active role as advocates or facilitators for the
community groups in the interest of the city as a whole, a point that Fainstein noted
in one of her Equity guides. In areas of high immigration, the creation of these greater
contacts between diverse groups, and improved knowledge of one another, may also
lead to the recognition that incoming groups may have specific needs that are not
always understood by the original host population. Although such issues are often
seen as the responsibilities of national governments and their immigration policies,
some metropolitan areas, such as Minneapolis-St Paul, have been particularly active
in this field. They have provided language lessons and business development orga-
nizations for new immigrants in an attempt to speed up the process of adjustment.
These policies allow new residents to contribute to the local economy more quickly,
enabling them to become productive citizens who bring new skills and diversity to
a city, rather than being mired in low wage, dead-end occupations. Elsewhere more
cities now allow marches or demonstrations in support not simply of different ethnic
groups who wish to celebrate their identity and perhaps grievances but also those
of different life-styles or orientations. This is seen in the blossoming of parades or
festivals such as those linked to feminist, gay and lesbian pride in western demo-
cratic cities, although they usually need city permits and sometimes police presence
