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concerned “over how the U.S. hegemony is managed than over the power configuration itself.” See Yong Deng,
China's Struggle for Status: The Realignment of International Relations (New York: Cambridge University Press,
2008), 44.
13 John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1971).
14 Barry Posen, Sources of Military Doctrine (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1983), 13.
15 This is our judgment in the final report of the Princeton Project on National Security. See Ikenberry and
Slaughter, Forging a World of Liberty under Law .
16 Thomas Homer-Dixon, The Upside of Down: Catastrophe, Creativity, and the Renewal of Civilization (Wash-
ington, DC: Island, 2006), 16-17.
17 See Ikenberry and Slaughter, Forging a World of Liberty under Law , 10.
18 In a similar way, Timothy Garten Ash argues that the United States and Europe have about twenty years more
to control the levers of global governance before they will need to cede power to China and other rising states.
Timothy Garten Ash, Free World: America, Europe, and the Surprising Future of the West (New York: Random
House, 2004).
19 See G. John Ikenberry, “Asian Regionalism and the Future of U.S. Strategic Engagement with China,” in Abra-
ham Denmark and Nirav Patel, eds., China's Arrival: A Strategic Framework for a Global Relationship (Washing-
ton, DC: Center for a New American Security, 2009), 95-108.
20 Gideon Rachman, “End of the World as We Know It,” Financial Times , 23-24 October 2010, Life and Arts
section, p. 19.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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