How Is Food Political? Market, State, and Knowledge - The Oxford Topic of Food, Politics, and Society - page 28

congruent with other values; see chapters by McHughen, Newell-McGloughlin, and
Chassy, this volume; Waltz (2009).
4. For a comparative analysis of mobilization, see Assayag (2005); Boal (2001): Herring
(2006); Schurman and Munro (2008); Scoones (2008).
5. For a view of the larger debate around the macro political economy of development,
emphasizing alternative paths and mechanisms, see Houtzager and Moore (2003); on
privatization of nature as part of this politics, see Goldman (1998). Though technical elites
often construct the term as apolitical and unproblematic, political realities diverge; see
Ferguson (1994) and chapters by both Watts and Chappell, this volume.
6. See Korthals, this volume, on ethical traditions and logic from first principles; on implica-
tions of pro-poor normative commitments, see Kotwal and Ramaswami in this volume
on politics of food subsidies. On the connection of ethics to policy more generally, see
Pinstrup-Andersen (2007); on ethical challenges around technology, see Nuffield Council
(1999, 2004).
7. On transnational advocacy politics generally, and social movement theory, see Tarrow
(2005, 2011); Givan, Roberts, and Soule (2010); Smith and Johnston (2002).
8. Gøsta Esping-Andersen in The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (1990) demonstrates
essential dimensions and extent of variation among Western capitalist democracies along
lines of decommoditization, security, and inequality.
9. See Borras, Edelman, and Kay (2008); Chappell, this volume. On possible outcomes and
state logics of land reforms, see Herring (1983); Larsson (2012); Wolford (2010). For a
grim contrary view of China, see Yang (2012); on markets in peasant revolt in China, see
haxton (1983).
10. On the “moral economy” tradition of peasant studies, in contrast to rationalist approaches
of methodological individualism, see Little (1992); contrast Hechter (1981); on ideational
elements in the latter, see Lichbach (1994).
11. See Borras and Franco, this volume; Edelman (1999); Reitan (2007).
12. As Tomas Larsson explains in his chapter of this volume; see also Emily Clough's chapter
on product differentiation that permits political consumerism via labeling. A critique of
the cultural trope romanticizing traditional agriculture can be found in McHughen, this
volume.
13. Chapters by both Reardon and Timmer in this volume, and Anderson, indicate the perva-
sive nature of these dynamic and divergent perceptions of legitimacy.
14. See the comparative treatment of this question in Kotwal and Ramaswami, this volume.
15. See Ann Grodzins Gold's treatment of farmer's production logics in North India in her
contribution to this volume: the tension between market rationality of getting more and
cultural logics of getting and sharing good food—logics very much rooted in the cultural
authority of tradition.
16. Numbers vary but converge on dramatic growth of production and exports in India's
“Pink Revolution.” Pratiksha Ramkumar reported in the Times of India on April 1, 2013,
that India became the world's largest exporter in 2012 (“Beef exports up 44% in 4 years,
India is top seller”). The United States Department of Agriculture Foreign Agricultural
Service reported (November 2013) that India is not quite there, but increasing rapidly.
17. On biofuels as a politically attractive, but dubious, use of agricultural land, see Pimental
and Burgess, this volume; on the environmental Kuznets curve, see Watson, this volume.