Geography Reference
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equally underlie the cartographic process of selection, schematisation and synthe-
sis, and because there is no standard procedure for a representation of a 'correct
network world', one might wonder whether this might place even more power in
the hands of the cartographer. Brunet's models (Figure 3.2) for instance have
demonstrated that cartographic illustrations that represent functional relations are
indeed highly selective, generalised, and require a significant amount of interpreta-
tion by the cartographer. There is therefore ample scope for all types of distortion
in the communication process as discussed in Forester's model of bounded ration-
ality (Figure 2.1).
Some scholars, especially those in the field of history of cartography or
history of geography, have suggested to treat maps as an expanded concept of
text in order to better understand the meaning they communicate. Most notable in
this area is the work by J. B. Harley (1989), who suggested a 'deconstruction of
the map', not unlike discourse analysis, and John Pickles (1992), who proposed
treating maps as constructed of two interrelated structures, one being graphical,
the other linguistic. Furthermore, contemporary scholars have begun to accept that
cartographic representations are discursively embedded within broader contexts of
social action and power (Crampton, 2001). Harley (1989) for example has differen-
tiated the power exercised through maps into 'internal' and 'external'. The 'internal'
power of maps is what Harley describes as the power of cartographers over non-
cartographers, and related to the cartographic process of information selection,
generalisation and schematisation. The 'external' power relates to what Harley
(1989) calls the power of non-cartographers over cartographers, that is, the client
commissioning the map, the institutional aspects of map production, and the ques-
tion of who is involved in the process. These questions complement Forester's
typology of distortion in communication in the planning process (Figure 2.1) with
aspects directly related to map use.
The discussion of types and functions in the planning process presented a
variety of different categorisations for cartographic representations in planning in
different European countries. Despite the differences in the analyses presented by
different scholars, it becomes obvious that there are always a large number of dif-
ferent planning 'maps' with significantly different functions in the planning process.
For the German system, these have for example been described as base maps
used to inform the planning strategy (and to help planners understand and repre-
sent the complexity of reality and the consequences of the proposed policies), par-
ticipation maps used for consultation, and the final 'plan' used for reproduction.
The two latter functions involve an 'external' communication function, that is, they
are intended for use outside the planning department, by other planning actors or
even the wider public. Clearly, these different types and functions of cartographic
representations in the planning process imply certain graphic and linguistic
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