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characteristics, as function dictates the form and style of the 'planning map'. These
can be categorised into detailed versus abstract/generalised, and 'finished' (in the
meaning of 'map-like' with topographic base information, frame, title and legend)
versus 'sketchy'/unfinished (with fuzzy boundaries that give the illustration a provi-
sional feel).
Increasing European integration has also prompted an interest in the
representation of spatial policies for larger territories, and a debate has begun on
the function of 'spatial visions' at transnational levels as well as of cartographic
representations of spatial policy in informal planning instruments at higher spatial
scale more generally. The debate about how best to present spatial policy at trans-
national scale is ongoing, but pointers about the cartographic expression which
should reflect the informal and non-binding status of these documents have been
given by analysts such as Kunzmann (1993) and Moll (1993) for the experience at
federal level in Germany. They identify high simplification, extreme generalisation as
well as artistic and aesthetic presentations as important components in winning
support for a strategy. At transnational level, a further differentiation can be made
with regard to the level of generalisation, and that is the cartographic expression of
spatial policy in a territory-specific way (as for the Spatial Visions under Interreg
IIC, see Chapter 1), or as generic concepts without much territorial relevance (as
for the 'vignettes' used in the final ESDP, see Chapter 5).
For a better understanding of the 'use' of cartographic representations in
transnational spatial planning processes, De Vries's (2002) distinction of planning
as communication and as programming in a transnational context provides a useful
starting point. His work raises important questions about the relationship between
the intended function of a non-binding spatial strategy and its intended audience
and mechanisms for the 'implementation' of spatial policy.
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