Comparative Research Design - The Politics of Water Institutional Reform in Neopatrimonial States - page 64

Asian state to become member of the WTO (in 1998). For the first half of the 1990s, Kyrgyzs
tan was regarded as an “island of democracy” (Anderson 1999): a model country of the suc
cessful transition to democracy and market economy. The initially semi presidential system
with a two chamber Parliament ( Zhogorku Kenesh ) changed into a strong presidential system
during the 1990s. Several changes of the constitution restricted the role of the Parliament and
reduced it to one chamber in 2003. The President is head of state and appoints the Prime
Minister, regional governors, prosecutor general as well as other public prosecutors and judges.
He defines the principles of domestic and foreign policy. The Prime Minister is head of gov
ernment and appoints the akims (heads) of district (and until 2001 of local) administration
(Von Gumppenberg 2004; Huskey 2002). The party system in Kyrgyzstan consists of many
parties, but it is weak and fragmented. Parties are generally not based on a common ideology.
Instead party identity relies on (often regionally based) solidarity and patronage networks. Most
deputies are not party members at all but are individuals that serve their network directly or via
local intermediaries. In this respect, Pétric (2005: 324) even goes so far as to say that democra
tization aggravated clientelistic practices. According to him, despite the relative unimportance
of the Parliament in political decisions, interest in a seat in Parliament is also aroused due to a
growing lack of sufficient posts in the higher bureaucracy (donors demand reduction) and due
to an interest of business men in getting immunity and receiving access to the political stage.
Due to many programs aiming at fostering democracy by building civil society and establishing
NGOs, a vivid civil society evolved. The number and activity of Kyrgyz NGOs is highest in
Central Asia. There are about 3 7,000 registered NGOs. It is estimated, however, that only
about 800 of them are active and work effectively (Von Gumppenberg 2004: 159; Lewis 2006:
3, 35; Pétric 2005: 319).
The first years of independence of Tajikistan were characterized by civil war. The civil
war is too complex to be presented here in detail, so I will limit my account to the most impor
tant benchmarks. 56 It started in 1992. Though often perceived as a conflict between commun
ists and Islamists, it actually was a conflict between different regional networks that did not
succeed in coming to an agreement after independence: the old communist elite in Leninabad,
the internal opposition based in Kulyob, 57 and the United Tajik Opposition (UTO), which was
headed by the IRP (Islamic Revival Party) that had its main base in the Gharm valley and in the
Pamir. 58 In 1994, after a ceasefire the peace negotiations started assisted by UN mediation. In
1997, a peace accord was signed. The UTO was guaranteed a 30% share of the offices in the
central and lower government (Schwarz, Rakhmonova Schwarz 2004; Atkin 2002). 59
According to constitution adopted in 1994, Tajikistan is a democratic, secular, unitary
state with separation of powers and a presidential system. Head of State and Head of Govern
ment is the President. He appoints the Prime Minister and the cabinet, who are then approved
56 For an overview see Bischoff 1998; BTI 2003: 2-6; Herbers 2006: 47-69.
57 In 1996, the governing faction of the Communist Party from Kulyob set up its own party (People's Democratic
Party) to become independent from the Communist Party and its patronage network. Consequently, the Communist
Party lost influence.
58 The Pamiri, who speak several Pamir languages, belong to the Ismaelites, a Shiite faction known for a liberal and
progressive interpretation of Islam (but also not recognized by many other Moslems). They are adherents of Prince
Aga Khan IV as their spiritual leader. This is more important for their identity than the Tajik citizenship. A hunger
catastrophe in the Pamirs during civil war was only prevented by the engagement of the Aga Khan Foundation. Also
thereafter, it fulfilled basic state tasks such as social security.
59 While Tajikistan is now the only Central Asian state with a legal Islamic party (and the only one with an Islamic party
in government), this should not be misinterpreted: The IRP lacks a clear Islamistic concept and its main interest was to
influence resource distribution. Here, it used Islamic paroles in order to get support and to confront the communist
faction.