Geoscience Reference
In-Depth Information
comprising mainly security sector trainers. In Libya, CSDP was absent. The EU
priority is to outsource post-con
ict peace-building to regional organisations, such
as the African Union. Only France stood ready to intervene militarily in any sig-
ni
s alleged use of chemical weapons in August
2013. The French government has pushed for the creation of an EU fund to
cant way after the Assad regime
'
nance military interventions
in crisis
situations; other member states
for the
moment remain unenthusiastic.
Indeed, France has become more active, deploying missions to Côte d
Ivoire,
Libya, Mali and the Central African Republic. In each case, however, the military
mandate was drawn relatively tightly and France eschewed high-level involvement
in long-term peace-building. Germany was sharply rebuked by Paris for refusing
even modest pleas for support in Mali. French troops admirably helped stabilise
Mali
'
s internal security but moved to hand over quickly to an African-led mission.
Overall, the number of EU troops deployed in the
'
eld nearly halved between
2008 and 2012.
36
Sobering experiences in Iraq and Afghanistan have left the UK army cautious
about further deployments and uncertain about its whole con
ict resolution doc-
trine.
37
The British army has moved from a focus on enduring campaigns to pre-
paring for a range of less direct contingencies. It will concentrate instead on
training foreign armies better to manage their national security and supporting civil
authorities to protect infrastructure at home. Experts observe a switch away from
o
ensive armed forces to homeland security, eviscerating stabilisation capabilities
beyond its borders.
38
Di
erences between member states have made it impossible to update the 2003
European Security Strategy. A process to draw up a new European Global Strategy
was launched in 2012 by Poland, Sweden, Italy and Spain, but other member states
have not supported the publication of a new, formal strategy.
What link to climate security challenges?
In short, the climate security challenge presents itself against the backdrop of a
uid juncture for European security identities. The question that presents itself is
what kind of security identity is most appropriate for tackling the strategic
impacts of climate change. Does climate security require the kind of liberal
internationalist approach long associated with EU policies? Or does it enjoin
governments to adopt more realist self-help strategies? If northern Europe emer-
ges as a winner with respect to climate change, encountering milder winters and
more precipitation, will it gain from sharing this windfall with developing
countries or will it hunker down into a more defensive and containment-based
approach to security?
