The Ethics of Early Warning Systems for Climate Change - Reducing Disaster: Early Warning Systems for Climate Change - page 290

interpretation and decision-making in relation to weather. These systems have been
very helpful to the farmers in managing their vulnerability. Farmers are known to
make decisions on cropping patterns based on local predictions of climate and deci-
sions to plant based on complex cultural models of weather. Similarly, in the Omo
River Valley of Ethiopia, the Dassanech and Nyangatom pastoral groups have inno-
vative ways to cope with climate change, which include EWS. Warning methods
include astronomical observation, cloud pattern recognition, wind and analysis of
animal behaviour - specifi cally birds - in order to assist locals with preparing for
rains and fl uctuating water levels of the Omo River. If fl ooding is predicted to be
severe, the Dassanech could elect to move away from the islands they inhabit
(Gebresenbet and Kefale 2012 ). As indigenous land-use practices have been employed
successfully for generations, it is likely that a reciprocal feedback loop between
indigenous knowledge systems and scientifi c systems in this region would produce
more effective integration of mitigation, adaptation and early warning systems.
The literature cites a tendency for many indigenous groups to utilize a systematic
adaptive response to climate change including increased variability in the food sup-
ply, the sharing of resources and diversifi ed farming techniques to survive (Salick
and Byg 2007 ). Of course, their knowledge extends far beyond this, and when it
comes to EWS, there are quite a few examples worth noting. A commonly cited
example is from the Simeulue community in Indonesia which comprises mostly
farmers, fi shermen and traders. When the tsunami of 26 December 2004 in the Indian
ocean took place, the vast majority of this community survived despite its proximity to
the epicentre. Based on a story passed through generations on what happens to the sea
before a tsunami arrives and what the behaviour of their buffaloes was like, this com-
munity was able to avert the loss of thousands of lives. The story is said to have fi rst
originated after the destruction from a tsunami in 1907 that killed thousands in the
community. In 2004, however, only 7 people from the community lost their lives, com-
pared to 163,795 that died across the rest of Indonesia's Northern regions. This brought
to attention the applicability and relevance of indigenous knowledge for use in early
warning in natural disaster situations (UNEP 2007 ).
Other examples that incorporate animal behaviour include the Banyala commu-
nity on the shores of Lake Victoria in Kenya which has several elders who are in
charge of rainfall prediction and early warning. In the case of heavy fl ood, plough-
ing near riverbanks is prohibited and each home unity has a canoe ready for trans-
port. Although not related to animal behaviour in Tanzania, where animals feature
prominently in prognosis of drought and famine, some Masai elders look to indica-
tors on goat intestines to predict potential drought and predict incoming famine or
diseases (UNEP 2007 ). In Swaziland, fl oods are also common and similarly animal
behaviour is critical to the early warning for these communities. By observing the
nest height of the Emahlokohloko bird on trees growing by riverbanks, they are
able to accurately predict fl oods. When fl oods are likely to occur, the nests tend to
be very high in the trees, and when fl oods are unlikely the nests are low down
(UNEP 2007 ).
What all these examples show is an ability to harness traditional social knowl-
edge and land use planning, as well as an ability to learn from indigenous methods