Introduction - Reducing Disaster: Early Warning Systems for Climate Change - page 10

sources equally. Chapters 12 and 13 highlight some challenges in warning delivery
and household response.
In Chapter 12 , Laurence Créton-Cazanave discusses the processes used to fi lter
different sources of information. In France's Vidourle watershed, the number of
“entities,” or actors, in early warning systems has grown rapidly over the last 30
years. Government monitoring services and private contractors are all actively
involved in early warning systems. Yet, the proliferation of “entities” can impact the
capacity for action, as the process of interpreting different spatial and temporal
information impedes decision-making.
Créton-Cazanave argues that to avoid being overwhelmed by information, peo-
ple have developed coping strategies - prioritizing certain sources of information,
while ignoring others. Alternatively, individuals may also apply a “detour” strategy,
using an intermediary to mediate or decode information and eliminate competition
in courses of action. For both these strategies, trust is critical. Trust must therefore
be a focus of early warning system design. Trust needs to be fostered, and processes
that permit the distinction between what is “less” and “more” important must be
developed and constantly reassessed. Again, this reminds us that early warning
systems are not simply technical networks but cultural and political processes.
Créton- Cazanave writes:
All this means moving away from a system of government by instrument which, under the
cover of technical effi ciency, tends to deny the political dimension of the choices made and
therefore removes them from the democratic debate.
Moving from information source to response strategy, Ginger Turner and coau-
thors review actions taken before severe fl oods in Punjab, Pakistan. In the summer
of 2010, unusually heavy monsoon rains left approximately 20 % of Pakistan under-
water and caused US$10 billion in damages. At least 20 million people were affected
by the fl ood, with an estimated 1.6 million houses destroyed. Survey data from 640
households reveal that face-to-face warning, from neighbors or government offi -
cials, signifi cantly increased the probability of households taking pre-fl ood mitiga-
tion action. Remote warnings such as television and radio announcements did not
have a signifi cant effect on taking any mitigation. Timing of warning was also
important, as suffi cient preparation time signifi cantly increased the likelihood of
moving household possessions. Previous experience with fl oods also increased the
likelihood of pre-fl ood action. Such action yielded benefi ts. Turner et al. fi nd that
receiving a warning and taking mitigation action reduced the actual loss of house-
hold structure value, and taking pre-fl ood mitigation action also signifi cantly
increased the likelihood of having recovered household possessions.
Chapter 14 highlights the gendered impact of warning delivery. Verbal warnings
or notices in public spaces may not reach women, as they are often excluded from
the public sphere and have greater rates of illiteracy. Warnings distributed by mobile
phones are also problematic because women may not have access to the household
phone. While the need for gender awareness in early warning systems is offi cially
stated, implementation is lagging. Partly as a result, extreme weather events con-
tinue to have a disproportionate impact on women. As Joni Seager writes in Chapter 14 ,
“The primary takeaway conclusion from the literally hundreds of studies and reports