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context for the emergence of specific types of criminal activity. For
instance, the decline of fisheries of the coast of Somalia, due to over-
fishing by many different nations and groups of fishers, has robbed the
local people of their main traditional livelihood. One consequence of
this has been the move into another line of work - the most notorious
being piracy on the high seas (see United Nations Office on Drugs and
Crime, 2011). We need to ask why this has happened, and why here?
Two brief case examples can be used to illustrate the importance of
linking harm and place. The first involves assessment of a hot mud flow
that occurred in East Java, Indonesia in 2006. From 29 May of that
year, a mud volcano began emitting 'hot mud' in the Sidoarjo district.
As a consequence, nearly 7,000 people were displaced from their
villages and over 12,000 medical treatments were carried out, mainly
for people affected by the release of hydrogen sulphide gas (United
Nations, 2006). The question for investigators was whether the mud
flow was generated by a natural disaster (earthquake) or was due to
anthropogenic causes (drilling). The mud started to flow two days after
an earthquake had struck Yogyakarta, Indonesia, killing almost 6,000
people. On the other hand, another possible explanation for the cause
of the mud volcano eruption was that a pressurised mud layer, which
also contained hydrogen sulphide, was pierced by the Banjar Panji I
gas drilling well, which was situated just 200 metres from the first
and largest flow. To interpret this event, one has to gather information
about the local geographical spaces, the local political economy and
international influences.
From one scientific point of view, it was suggested that the mud
volcano was mainly triggered by the energy released by the earthquake
rather than the drilling activity (Mazzini et al, 2007). This was based
on systematic study of the dynamics of mud volcanoes, and of the
nature of seismic and mud volcano in the specific region in question.
However, this finding has been disputed by other scientists who have
studied similar phenomenon (Davies et al, 2007). Furthermore, it has
been suggested that studies of this specific event were hindered by the
fact that the oil-drilling company, PT Lapindo Brantas, kept much
of the drilling data under wraps (see Cyranoski, 2007). Moreover, it
is notable that claims that this was just another 'natural disaster' were
actively proffered by one of the country's most powerful and richest
men, who not only was a Minister in the Indonesian government
but a member of the family which part owns Lapindo. Alternative
explanations point to the workers at the well withdrawing their drill
too quickly thereby losing control of the pressure in the hole, and thus
precipitating the mud volcano. There were many vested interests linked
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