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of lacking extensive human and capital resources (Leichenko et al., 2010). In other situ-
ations, development pressures to build on lands highly vulnerable to climate change,
such as along coastal zones, is still strong (Titus et al., 2009). A variety of reasons have
been defined as to why specific cities act progressive to address climate change risk and
adaptation opportunities (Brody et al., 2009). One important factor is whether or not
other near-by cities are engaged in climate action (Brody et al., 2009) - the local capacity
to translate climate science into public policy (Krause, 2011; Corburn, 2009).
Several adaptation and mitigation strategies have been identified which reduce risk
exposure and vulnerability or promote energy use reduction, and in some cases both
(Buckeley, 2010; McEvoy et al., 2006). Some of the strategies include relatively small
scale adjustments to existing codes and regulations such as changing building codes and
land regulations to reduce damage from climate change hazards e.g., elevating build-
ings in flood-prone areas, reducing energy use for heating and cooling, and increasing
urban trees and vegetation to reduce the heat island effect (Condon et al., 2009). Other
potential strategies involve more transformative shifts many of which have been pre-
sented within the hazard mitigation literature (Solecki et al., 2011; SREX, 2011). These
include reducing sprawl by increasing population and building densities, mixing land
uses to reduce automobile traffic, and increasing use of public transit, and restricting
land use in areas subject to climate change impacts such as sea level rise and riverine
flooding (Hamin and Gurran, 2009). Overall, the success of these efforts can be nega-
tively affected by the level of fiscal stress that communities experience from long-term
economic decline or from the loss of revenue experienced by the financial crisis of 2008
(Leichenko et al., 2010).
C. Vulnerabilities Associated With Infrastructure
Interdependencies In Urban Systems
One of the chief functions of urban infrastructure services is to atempt to isolate
human setlements from climate inluences. Examples include air conditioning in hot
weather, heating in cool weather, water from taps and electrical energy from outlets
inside our buildings, roads that are functional in most types of weather, and toilets that
flush wastes from inside our buildings. To provide these services, infrastructure must
be designed to meet climate standards, such as 10 year precipitation conditions, low
stream flows, and high and low temperatures. Therefore, as the climate changes, the
services provided by infrastructure will change. Much infrastructure, particularly for
water management, is also dependent upon ecosystem services. Wastewater manage-
ment relies upon in-stream organisms to degrade wastes; flood management utilizes
wetlands to mitigate impacts and stress; and other urban vegetation improves urban
drainage. Therefore as ecosystems respond to climate change, infrastructure will also
be impacted by that response. Infrastructure demands are also dependent upon climate.
As temperatures increase, more air conditioning and energy are needed. Water demand
also increases under higher temperatures. Thus urban infrastructure is impacted by a
myriad of climate influences.
The various types of urban infrastructure also form an interacting web such that the
potential exists for disruption of one type of service if another is disrupted. Because of
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