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beautiful hometown.” Others celebrated their “liberation” from the tyranny
of Yatong (the boat company). One comment used the bridge fee to confi rm
the long-held suspicions that Chongmingren have about their status to
Shanghai: “Why do they charge a bridge fee? . . . Chongming has been sub-
ordinated for a long time. Phone calls were charged a long-distance service
fee if you call central Shanghai. Many schools used to refuse Chongming stu-
dents.”
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In this estimation, the bridge fee is another slap on the face for the
island, representing Chongming's continuing subordinated status to “super-
cilious” Shanghai.
conclusion
h e debate about the Chongming of the future is well represented by another
odd juxtaposition, diff erent from the one with which I started the chapter.
h e photo is from a history of the island, which highlights its traditional
industries of fi shing and maritime activities. h is “past” contrasts greatly
with another image I saw on the island in 2010, in which a white male bicy-
clist leans over the tagline: “Bring the World to Chongming, Take Chong-
ming to the World” (see fi gure 3). More than likely, the bicyclist has driven
his bike over the bridge (which has no bike lane) so that he could ride amidst
the natural, supposedly untouched beauty of Chongming Island.
Understanding the fi erce debates about Chongming Island's overall
development among some locals is important to understanding that eco-
logical development on Chongming cannot be reduced to a cynical ploy of
corporate and government masters to completely create eco-desire. In other
words, the corporate logic of the planners and developers aligned with the
local politicians' agenda to generate heated debate and drive new cultural
and ideological investments in the discourses of environmentalism and
development. Although diff erent segments of the island population are
sharply divided by interest, geography, and generation, they are all generally
aware of Chongming's development debates and the centrality of ecological
