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62. Coon, Origin of Races , 656; See William H. Tucker, The Science and Poli-
tics of Racial Research (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), 162-168; and
John Jackson, “In Ways Unacademical: The Reception of Carleton S. Coon's The
Origin of Races ,” Journal of the History of Biology 34 (2001): 247-285.
63. Bergner, “Geschichte,” 49. The changing graphic conventions used to
portray human phyletic development are interesting in this context, especially
when compared to countervailing trends in the portrayal of human racial diver-
sity. Hominid species diversity has increased, at the same time that racial diver-
sity has been progressively downplayed. The concurrence is not a coincidence:
the same stress on genetic diversity that helped put an end to the idea that human
races constitute separate species was also implicated in the idea that the (singu-
lar) human population must have been diverse in the distant past—whence the
single species hypothesis. Human racial unity seemed to preclude hominid
phyletic diversity.
64. There were also important physical anthropologists championing the out-
of-Africa notion prior even to the development of genetic sequencing tools—
Christopher Stringer of London's Natural History Museum, for example, who
had already made a good case for Neanderthal replacement when the molecular
evidence became available. See Erik Trinkaus and Pat Shipman, The Nean-
derthals (New York: Vintage, 1992), 360-419. Other out-of-Africa physicalists
include Gunter Brauer and (arguably) Clark Howell. Rebecca Cann's molecular
work in the 1980s allowed the two models, described by William Howells in
1976 as “Noah's Ark” and “Candelabra,” to be distinguished on the basis of
genetic data. See William Howells, “Explaining Modern Man: Evolutionists vs.
Migrationists,” Journal of Human Evolution 5 (1976): 477- 496.
65. Kenneth Weiss of Penn State argues that the issue here is not racism but
rather differing views on the “specialness” of modern humans—that is, the extent
to which modern humans are unique vis-à-vis the rest of the animal kingdom
and our own ancestral past (personal communication).
66. See Milford H. Wolpoff and Rachel Caspari, Race and Human Evolution:
A Fatal Attraction (New York: Westview Press, 1997).
67. See, for example, “Der Krieg der Easten Menschen,” the cover story in Der
Spiegel , February 2000, 240-255.
68. See Wil Roeboeks, “ 'Policing the Boundary?' Continuity of Discussions in
19th and 20th Century Palaeoanthropology,” in Ape, Man, Apeman: Changing
Views since 1600 , ed. Raymond Corbey and Bert Theunissen (Leiden: Leiden,
1995), 173-180.
69. Richard C. Lewontin, The Genetic Basis of Evolutionary Change (New
York: Columbia University Press, 1974). See also the earlier work of Luigi Luca
Cavalli-Sforza.
70. See also Margaret W. Conkey and Sarah H. Williams, “Original Narratives:
The Political Economy of Gender in Archaeology,” in Gender at the Crossroads
of Knowledge: Feminist Anthropology in the Postmodern Era , ed. Micaela di
Leonardo (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 102-139.
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