Travel Reference
In-Depth Information
among Malay women
M.S.Y. Kamaruddin, A.A. Azdel, N.A. Ahmad & M.F.S. Bakhtiar
Faculty of Hotel and Tourism Management, Universiti Teknologi MARA, Shah Alam, Malaysia
S.A. Wahab
Faculty of Communication and Media Studies, Universiti Teknologi MARA, Melaka, Malaysia
ABSTRACT: Food without doubt has been a central axis in understanding religion, society as well as
culture. It is one of the most important elements in one society in determining what is allowed and pro-
hibited. Globally, the function of food during the postpartum period is inherited from mother to daughter
for generations. For Malay women in yesteryear, the social circle who advices the food intake during this
respective period was determined by Malay shamans known as
bidan
. Thus the food must be followed
without questions However, the expansion of experience and extension of knowledge results in the post-
partum food is no longer a rigid intake. Qualitative approach were employed through semi structured
interview, the finding shows factors that bidan is no longer become an ultimate source of food knowledge
during this period and Malay culture in this abstinence period is no longer stagnant but moving to more
scientific well proven knowledge. However, the movement is still slow because some women still believe in
a construction and accumulation of anecdotal evidence.
Keywords
:
Influence, social, postpartum, Malay, foodways
1 INTRODUCTION
divided into few categories or elements which are
hot, cold, poisonous (Ali & Howden-Chapman,
2007; Katz, 1996; Stefanello, et al., 2008) and
windy (Balwi & Koharuddin, 2003). Each element
of food is constructed by cultural belief and the
consumption might have positive or a negative
effect to the mother. The same goes to foodways
(preparation to consumption) which are tailored
by particular customs which most of it will incline
to bad luck to women. In Malay community, the
practices were strongly influenced by Hinduism
when the Hindus were brought into Malaysia in
the early centuries until about 1400's (Ali & How-
den-Chapman, 2007). They posited this traditional
food and foodways knowledge practiced hereto-
fore is the intersection between Hindu belief and
Islamic religion.
Plethora of past literature has looked into food
during confinement period after childbirth, which
most of it was focusing more on the nutritional
aspect. Only few studies (such as Hishamshah
et al., 2011; Kamaruddin, Mohd Zahari, Muham-
mad, Amir & Azdel, 2014; Matthey, Panasetis &
Barnett, 2002) emphasize on the social aspect. Cur-
rent study stated the word “traditional practices”
in the postpartum period evolve with time and
technology (Kamaruddin, et al., 2014). Therefore,
The Chinese called the person as
pei yue
who some-
times a women's own mother, mother in law, a paid
professional to cook for mother and child during
abstinence period (Koon, Peng & Karim, 2005).
Unlike Chinese, the aboriginal strongly hold to
shaman words (Rahimi, Fatimah, Rahimah, Sarah
& Marlia, 2003; Ramle & Beri, 1993). Balwi (2003)
and Ali and Howden-Chapman (2007) stated
the Malays especially in rural area still believe in
shamans. The main roles of bidan are to handle
childbirth and responsible on women's health dur-
ing postpartum. The aforementioned peoples who
determine the actions of the women to go through
these forty days. The action permitted and action
prohibited includes sexual prohibition, contact
with decease family, and housework until dietary
guidance (Katz, 1996).
Generally, one of the utmost factors that affect
health is food (Balwi & Koharuddin, 2003) which
Stefanello, Nakano and Gomes (2008) contended
women are instructed about care and the fam-
ily spreads beliefs, habits, attitudes and behaviors
during confinement. In this period, women are
encouraged to eat hot food to keep the body warm
(Ali & Howden-Chapman, 2007). The food can be
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