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Tower. But none of this addressed the real concerns of young people: jobs, education, the
grind of day-to-day corruption. Hun Sen, a leader who once said his political philosophy
was to “know reality,” seemed more out of touch with it than ever.
In his younger years, Hun Sen was different. He was ruthlessly practical. He wasn't
afraid to solicit advice before acting decisively to shape his own reality. But over the years
power had worked its corrupting influence. Hun Sen had grown rich, entangled in the
web of powerful interests that had supported his rule. And by identifying himself as the
embodiment of Cambodian culture and nationhood, he had also courted hubris. His con-
fidence inflated by an endless procession of political victories—over the opposition, over
factional foes, over the “international community”—Hun Sen fell into a familiar trap. He
started believing his own propaganda.
The 2013 election, as so often, was followed by political deadlock. Rainsy and Sokha
claimed they were robbed of victory and demanded a UN-backed investigation into the
alleged voter fraud. To drive their demands home they boycotted the first session of the
new National Assembly and announced a campaign of colorful public demonstrations
at Freedom Park in Phnom Penh. Hun Sen refused the opposition's demands, and the
NEC rubber-stamped the CPP's 68-55 election victory. As the deadlock dragged on, com-
plaints over the election coalesced into a broader social movement for change. Garment
workers took to the streets, demanding a hike in the minimum wage to $160. The unions
joined CNRP protests, and marched in honor of the tenth anniversary of Chea Vichea's
killing. Teachers threatened to strike, and garbage collectors walked off the job. Buddhist
monks defied their superiors and attended protests. Hun Sen faced the greatest challenge
to his rule in 15 years. In late 2013, tens of thousands marched through Phnom Penh call-
ing openly for his resignation. The next month, garment worker protests on the outskirts
of the city degenerated into violence as police fired live rounds at demonstrators, killing
five. The government responded by banning public gatherings. Freedom Park, now living
up to its name as a symbol of anti-government resistance, was blocked off with barriers
and razor wire.
At the political level, the deadlock played out in typically Cambodian fashion. Both
sides trafficked in empty rhetoric. Neither had a readily identifiable ideology. The CPP
refused to countenance any review of the 2013 election results, while the CNRP was
equally adamant in its refusal to take up its seats in parliament or work with the ruling
party. The evidence that it had won the election was never forthcoming.
Stung by the loss of support, and with a nervous eye on the next national election in
2018, Hun Sen promised a sweeping series of reforms. In September, he gave a six-hour
borrowed from the most popular elements of the opposition platform and offered wage
