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he would also determine who would succeed him. “I have no right to be the king,” he
boasted in a 2002 radio address, “but I have the right to create a king.” 59 As the issue
festered, Sihanouk issued a press release accusing Hun Sen of turning Cambodia into a
“beggar nation” dependent on foreign handouts. Hun Sen shot back with a criticism of
the Royal Palace's $5 million in annual expenditures. 60 Some members of the royal fam-
ily worried that if the clashes continued Hun Sen might abolish the monarchy in a fit of
pique, something he had reportedly considered doing in July 1997. 61
Eventually Sihanouk decided to step aside voluntarily, hoping to retain some say in
who would take the throne. Before his abdication, he worked tirelessly with Hun Sen and
other officials to anoint a successor. It had long been assumed that this would be Ranar-
iddh, his second-eldest son, but Hun Sen controlled the Throne Council and wouldn't
countenance a political prince taking the throne. Prince Sihamoni, on the other hand, was
an attractive option. Unlike Ranariddh, he had no heirs and no apparent political ambi-
tions. He was also the preferred choice of Monineath, his mother, who hated Ranariddh
and was known to exercise a strong influence over her husband. When the Throne Coun-
cil met on October 14 to nominate Sihanouk's successor, it took just 40 minutes to reach
its decision.
Sihamoni suited every party—except one. Publicly, Ranariddh had supported his half-
brother's accession, but it was clear he was angry at being overlooked. In a cable from
the US embassy, Ambassador Ray described Ranariddh's “childish and petulant” beha-
vior as Sihamoni's coronation approached. On October 28 Ranariddh found the palace
gates closed in his face when he attempted to follow the new king's motorcade into the
grounds. In rage and embarrassment Ranariddh ordered the dismissal of the palace's head
of security. The man had merely been doing his job; according to palace protocol, only
the king, prime minister, and visiting heads of state were permitted to use the entrance. A
few days later Ranariddh failed to attend a Buddhist coronation ceremony for royals. One
source close to the palace also recalled that in the first days of Sihamoni's reign, Ranar-
iddh addressed him as “my cousin” rather than using kingly honorifics—a faux pas that
scandalized the royal family. “Rather than raising his stature, [Ranariddh] is increasingly
making himself a laughing stock,” Ray wrote. “King Sihamoni's reserved and respectful
behavior, by contrast, seems quite regal indeed.” 62
As Sihanouk entered a mournful retirement, his stream of commentary continued,
much of it now posted on his website. His correspondence even saw the appearance of
a new pen-pal alter ego, a certain “Ruom Rith Jr.” But the old monarch now spent the
majority of his time outside the country, ostensibly for medical treatment, and he slowly
faded from Cambodia's political life. Nominating Sihamoni as his successor was to be
his last significant political act. It ensured the survival of the monarchy into a limited and
uncertain future, but also gave Hun Sen and the CPP what they had always wanted—a
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