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linquished the reins of power. Sihanouk's ambitions would be confined to the ceremoni-
al roles laid down in the 1993 Constitution. The “Father of the Nation,” as he was now
termed, was to remain strictly “above” politics.
What resulted was an understated game of cat and mouse, in which Sihanouk sought to
extend his power and the CPP sought quietly to rein it in. When the CPP-Funcinpec co-
alition fell apart in early 1996, the monarchy came under attack as part of a supposed roy-
al “plot” against Hun Sen, and the CPP press published articles criticizing Sihanouk and
justifying the 1970 coup. Speaking to Le Monde during a trip to France in April, Sihan-
ouk remarked that he was “surrounded by spies” in Phnom Penh. 53 While the king was
away, Hun Sen took the opportunity to establish diplomatic relations with South Korea. A
relationship with Seoul was clearly in Cambodia's best interests, but it was also a calcu-
lated repudiation of a promise Sihanouk had once made to Kim Il-sung that as long as he
lived, Cambodia would never recognize South Korea. Shortly afterwards the king lashed
out at “the rapaciousness of small local tyrants” scheming to win “absolute power while
making a reign of terror.” 54
The coup of July 1997 marked a sharp decline in Sihanouk's influence. Prince Ranar-
iddh and his father were never close, but the relationship between the two deteriorated
as Ranariddh moved headlong into confrontation with Hun Sen. Resentful and determin-
ed to strike out from his father's long shadow, Ranariddh frequently ignored the wishes
of the king. From Sihanouk's perspective, Ranariddh, the royalist dauphin , had been a
great disappointment. Tony Kevin recalled that Sihanouk “despised his son—despised
him. There was no great love for Ranariddh ever.” Funcinpec's disappointing perform-
ances in the 2003 elections only compounded the disappointment. To Sihanouk's dismay,
Cambodian voters no longer associated the party with his legacy—only with the corrupt
and ineffective royalist party establishment.
Frustrated and bitter, Sihanouk spent most of his time in Beijing, dispatching caustic
missives back to his homeland. Through a “Monthly Documentation Bulletin” issued by
the Royal Palace, the king kept up a written commentary on Cambodian affairs. The bul-
letin was a blend of royal correspondence, scrapbook reminiscences, and political mus-
ings, all written out in an elegant French longhand punctuated with exclamation points
and other passionate markings. Sihanouk's commentary was boisterous and ironic, but
beneath the surface it was laced with the pride and sorrow of a king who knew his best
days were behind him. One moment Sihanouk would shower Hun Sen with sarcastic
praise, describing him as “our Great Leader, 'clairvoyant, intelligent, perspicacious, ex-
ceptional.'” The next he would grow melancholy, scrawling laments and sour comment-
ary in the margins of clipped newspaper reports:
A political candidate is shot dead—“Again, an assassination.”
Ship registrations are sold by corrupt officials—“This is scandalous and miserable.”
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