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of the river below and the vertical cliffs. Other nearby sites include 'Choquequirao',
'Sacsahuaman' or 'Ollantaytambo'. Many sites of earlier origins, such as the
Chachapuya
site of Gran
Pajatén,
in the Rio Abiseo National Park, bring the notion
of sacred constructions and ceremonial uses of the challenging relief of the cloud
forest belt of the verdant Amazon. Even earlier, on the Pacifi c side of the northern
Supe
and
Casma
valleys, the oldest urban complex discovered in the
Caral
pyramid,
calls the attention of researchers to the ancient tradition of adoration to mountain
sacred sites (Moseley
2001
).
In Argentina, traditional gathering places for ceremonial or festive purposes,
such as in the 'Quebrada de Humahuaca' for carnival, retain the notion of holly
spaces.
Umawaka
has always been a crossroads for many groups since antiquity,
protected by
the pukara
of
Tilkara
and highlighted by the colored slopes of
Purmamarka.
Further to the south, in the 'valles calchaquies' of the Tucumán
province, the 'Ruinas of Quilmes' stand as mute testament to the fl eeing of the
Kilmi,
one group of the
Diaguita
people, to a restricted colony in an Indian reserva-
tion near Buenos Aires. Today, often branded by a popular beer name and the largest
middle-class neighborhood namesake, few people are aware that the descendants of
the
Diaguita
have (re)invigorated their identity and (re)claimed the ruins into a
Sacred City of Quilmes. A similar situation is illustrated on the other side of the
continental divide, where
Kichwa
communities in
Tukunci
and
Likan Antay
com-
munities in
Chiu-chiu
and
Aiquina-turi
respectively, are linked spirituality to sacred
sites. On the other side of the divide, the
Chango
people might refl ect the ancestral
tendency of petroglyph depictions that copy the larger geoglyphs of the
Nazca
cul-
ture with its lines; however, thousands of years earlier, ritualized mummifi cation
and the existence of sacralized places for ceremonial burial, such as in 'Chinchorro',
illustrate the Andean notion of sanctifi ed sites. Indeed, Latcham (
1936
) traces mum-
mifi cation through millennia from Chinchorro to the
Inka
.
Finally, the sacred dimension is also present in the
Mapuche,
who call themselves
the “people of the earth” and whose language
Mapudungun
is still spoken amongst
their communities; they continue to follow the medicine woman or
Machi
as spiri-
tual guide for their well-being.
Rehue
or sacred trees often indicate the vicinity of
the sacred dwelling (
ruca
) of the 'curandera'. Because of their long-standing con-
fl ict over land-rights, even from before the
Inka
conquest to the south, particularly
after the 'Araucanization' of Patagonia,
Mapuche
leaders (
lonko
) remain protago-
nists in the confl ict over indigenous land tenure rights.
5.6
Andean Hierophanies
The bottom line for us is that all of our territory is sacred in the sense that it is deeply, pow-
erfully imbued with spiritual reality. To take any particular location and call it “more
sacred” makes little sense within a worldview where our interactions are with all of our
environments, and all are sacred. (Randall Borman
In Press
)
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