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growth and to avoid an increase in infl ation. This political maneuver increased
greatly the consumption of fossil fuels (Viola and Basso
2014
). For the same eco-
nomic reasons, later in 2012 electricity was subsidized. It is important to remem-
ber, however, that due to the struggles to prevent the building of new hydropower
plants, the share of fossil fuel and thermal power plants in Brazilian electricity
generation, has increased since 2001. Adding to that, Brazilian energy effi ciency
policies are only marginally developed.
In spite of the fact that the presidential term of Dilma Rousseff (2011-2014) has
been negative in terms of de-carbonizing the economy, the elaboration of a National
Climate Change Adaptation Plan started in 2013 and has advanced. Indeed, it could
become a law in the near future.
Brazilian international position in climate negotiations refl ects the advances and
setbacks in domestic policies. Until 2005, Brazil discourse remained very conserva-
tive: (i) it strongly opposed commitments for developing countries to reduce their
carbon emissions growth from business-as-usual scenarios; (ii) it promoted an
extremely distorted interpretation of the principle of common and differentiated
responsibilities as almost everything was differentiated (Viola
2002
); (iii) it strongly
opposed the introduction of avoided deforestation in the Clean Development
Mechanism
12
; and (iv) it formed alliances with highly carbonized energy matrix
countries. Brazil's inability to deter deforestation of the Amazon at the time, and the
fear of being internationally charged for it, were the main reasons for the conserva-
tive position. From 2006 to 2010, Brazil moved gradually towards reformism,
accepting measures previously opposed (such as international forest regulation),
and pledging a voluntary 36-39 % reduction of its emissions by 2020. It also started
to abandon the discourse of Brazil as a poor country that needs international assis-
tance to tackle climate change.
Since 2011, however, Brazil has gone back to the traditional conservative stand-
ing, requesting developed countries to commit to a second period of compulsory
emissions reduction targets before emerging economies have to accept binding tar-
gets. Brazil set the tone of the Earth Summit 2012 (Rio + 20) by fi ghting to exclude
climate change from the negotiations and promoting a diffuse defi nition of green
economy, against a more consistent one defended by the European Union. Moreover,
in the 19th Conference of the Parties (COP 19) of the UNFCCC, held in Warsaw,
Poland, in 2013, the Brazilian government revived the doctrine of historical emis-
sions; in order to defi ne carbon rights, emissions should be measured from 1850.
This doctrine has never been accepted by developed countries, and is strongly criti-
cized by most scientist and analysts; it had been abandoned by Brazil in 2009.
Crony capitalism and short-term thinking are features that Brazil shares with
most South American countries. Brazilian climate change and low carbon policies
have been greatly impacted by vested interests, individualism, and the lack of con-
sideration of the links among environmental, social, and economic policies.
Nevertheless, in Brazil public opinion is better informed about climate change than
12
Due to fears that international fi nancial resources that would be attracted to the Amazon region
by CDM projects which would undermine the national sovereignty of the region.
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