Information Technology Reference
In-Depth Information
In fact, there is a sense of communal pride in be-
ing considered a progressive and successful com-
munity. Although complex, there is consequently
an overall general desire for “development” as
promulgated by the Malaysian government as
means for iyuk and doo -ness among rural and
urban Kelabit. Seen in this light, e-Bario is just
one of many projects being pursued by the Kelabit
to promote “progress” in the Kelabit Highlands,
partly as a strategy for gaining doo -ness and iyuk
for the Kelabit as a whole.
It is this Kelabit contemporary desire for
progress and development, which partly defined
the Kelabit on-going engagement with e-Bario in
the Kelabit Highlands. If in the past the Kelabit
participated in travelling far in search of Chinese
jars, beads and other valuable items as part of
their strategies for advancement, in the contem-
porary world the Kelabit are eager to collaborate
with the world of progress and development in
order to attain better well being ( doo ulun ) in the
Highlands.
In order to understand how exactly ICT as
developmental tools have been used, or rather
are used to increase the Kelabit's livelihood, the
next section will highlight the appropriation of
technologies for communication, and as means to
position or reposition Kelabit interests and their
identity as a group.
As described earlier, many Kelabit have left
the Highlands for education and job opportunities.
This has led to a highly mobile and geographi-
cally-dispersed community. As a result of their
widespread diaspora the Kelabit are constantly
looking for ways and strategies to ease commu-
nication between urban and rural Kelabit. It is out
of this need that the Kelabit are using e-Bario as
new ways and strategies to foster family relations
and community connections. This is especially
important for many older men and women in the
Highlands who welcome the telephone especially
as an improved means of communicating with their
children living in the cities. The significance of
this is made clear by Maren Talla who is 78 years
old. He said, 'In the days before the telephone, I
had to fly to and fro between Bario and Miri when
I wanted to speak to my son and daughters, who
currently are all living in Kuala Lumpur. It's a lot
of money to fly down to Miri and Marudi just to
speak with them. But now with the telephone, it
is so much easier and cheaper. Although I can't
see their faces, at least I can hear their voices. It
is very satisfying to my soul when I hear them. I
usually stop at the Pasar (market) to have some-
thing to eat and also to call my children on my
way to my sheep ranch. It feels so good to be able
to hear their voices on the phone; it makes me
sleep well in the night. Listening to their voices
on the phone calms me.'
The significance of e-Bario however goes
beyond easing communication between rural and
urban Kelabit for it also signifies that 'we [the
Kelabit] are at par with the rest of the world and
people.' Although many do not use the Internet
in relation to daily activities such as farming and
so forth, the presence of the new technologies in
Bario is perceived not purely as a means of ob-
taining better quality information, connectedness
and iyuk , but also as a symbol that the Kelabit are
doo (progressive) in that they are not being left
behind by others. These technologies are markers
and signifiers that they are on a par with others
in embracing worldwide shifts of perspective
and influence. This is particularly significant in
the context of Kelabit's present day marginal or
even displaced position within the broader policies
and discourse of the Malaysian state and ethnic
framework of development.
To explore the situation in detail, the next part
of this section will provide a brief overview of
Malaysia's ethnic-oriented national development
agenda under Malaysia's New Economic Policy
(NEP or DEB for Dasar Ekonomi Baru in Malay)
which was introduced in 1971 in response to race
riots in Kuala Lumpur in 1969.
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