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and systems for attaining and expressing social
status, prestige and power in the Highlands. It is
the dynamics between these that is relevant to
the way in which Internet, computer, telephone
and Very Small Aperture Terminals (VSATs)
were received and adapted by the Kelabit in the
Highlands and beyond. This is in spite of, or
possibly as a response to the Kelabit insulation
from much of the world; for instance, prior to
World War II, little was known by outsiders of
the Kelabits and their surroundings. They were
self-sufficient: producing salt, planting rice and
hunting and gathering jungle produce for food as
main source of protein.
An ethno-historical analysis can establish how
over the years the Kelabit forged connections with
the rest of the world through a variety of strate-
gies and traditions to attain iyuk and doo -ness. A
clear example of this is how through the cultural
activities of travelling far ( me ngerang mado ),
the Kelabit came into the possession of prestige
items, such as jars, beads and gongs. These were
impossible to obtain locally in Central Borneo.
Therefore those items that reached the highlands
are considered important visible signs of prestige
in the community (Saging, 1977; Talla, 1979;
Janowski, 1991). Among these prestige items are
the T'ang and Ming Chinese jars, locally known
as belanai ma'un (ancient jars). These are prized
as family heirlooms, particularly the150-pound
ceramic jars with red dragon.
By traveling far, a person did not only ac-
cumulate prestige items but also knowledge.
The experiences gained through traveling are
considered knowledge, thus the Kelabit notion:
mado lawe, mula' nuk keli (Far traveling increases
one's understanding). As with other prestige ob-
jects, knowledge is a good source of high social
standing in the longhouses (long structure built
on stilts with common areas and separate family
dwellings). This suggests that cultural practices
of traveling far are important local practices and
strategies for iyuk of status among the Kelabit; they
are important means to incorporate objects and
ideas from the outside world into Kelabit social
system. Hence those who possessed these items
are highly regarded in the community.
kelabit Iyuk , Doo -ness
and nation-ness
At the same time as the Kelabit absorb objects,
ideas and people into their social system, the
Kelabit themselves have been integrated into
the wider economic and political terrain. Most
pertinent here is the formation of Malaysia in
September 1963. Sarawak together with Sabah,
Singapore and Malaya have formed a federation.
Consequentially, the population on the Malaysian
side of Borneo was granted Malaysian citizen-
ship and its privileges. With the granting of this
citizenship new forms of economic, political and
social systems were introduced.
As noted by Anderson (1983) 'Nation-ness is
the most universal legitimate value in the political
life of our time' (p.12). This process inevitably
did not only change how to attain iyuk and doo -
ness but also the very notions of iyuk and doo -
ness in the Kelabit Highlands. That is, what they
constitute among the Kelabit in the contemporary
world. Said differently, the Kelabit integration
into Malaysia as a nation-state has transformed
the meaning of iyuk and doo -ness within the com-
munity; increasingly the notions are linked with
the Malaysian government's notion of “develop-
ment” (Malay, pembangunan ) which is seen as a
means for individuals to attain and enjoy affluent
and prestigious lifestyles whilst at the same time
enabling the whole collective (in this case the
Kelabit society) to command high standards of
living and respect from others. This is revealed
through Kelabit every-day discussions concerning
their contemporary identity and standard of living
as a group. These discussions often focus on how
to attract and bring more development projects
into the Highlands for doo -ness: big and small
infrastructure, better roads, cars, good medical
services and effective communication facilities.
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