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image that the party exists to protect Soka Gakkai has changed somewhat.
This is a real plus from being in the coalition
, said Terasaki Hirotsugu
(interview with author, July 2009), the Executive Director of the International
O
'
ce of Public Information in Soka Gakkai. This change in perception is
partly due to reporters from major newspapers being assigned on a 24
7 basis
to cover the news of the party. Such reporters, usually attached to certain
politicians for 10
-
12 months, have observed how Komeito operated, neither
as under the instructions of Ikeda nor as the protector of Soka Gakkai, but as
a party that responds in terms of its policies. While only a small section
within the media may have observed Komeito
-
first-hand, the fact that no
reports about Komeito as either a protector or puppet of Soka Gakkai have
been coming from these reporters has burst some of the bubble of assump-
tions about the intentions of the party. This has also eased some of the
assumptions about Ikeda as wanting to be the de facto political ruler in
Japan. Moreover, as required by law, Soka Gakkai regularly submits its
ce. Had there been cases of corruption,
these would likely have become apparent. While the tabloid press continues to
speculate about Ikeda, what is not usually mentioned is that he donates all his
income from publications to the Soka Gakkai, and has even donated his own
house, and instead pays rent where he stays at Soka Gakkai facilities. There is
also no indication from his living standards that they are extravagant; in fact,
they seem rather humble. Since the extent of the corruption of the Nichiren
Sh
-
sh
-
priesthood became known in the early 1990s, Soka Gakkai has
increased its transparency, keeping meticulous records of all money matters,
including records of all money spent by staff
financial records to the tax revenue of
members whose salaries and
other outgoings are paid for by donations from members.
Despite Soka Gakkai
'
s
financial transparency and direct observation by the
mass media of Komeito
s political operation and organisation, the party has
not had an easy ride. On the one hand, this is
'
'
only to be expected as a ruling
party
, says Terasaki (ibid.), as it is typically assessed for its compromises
rather than achievements; however, it also highlights the highly politicised
public sphere within which it operates (cf. Hardacre 2003). Yet it is also clear
that nothing sobers up a party like responsibility. As we shall see, supporters
had to deal with Komeito
'
as a party now
with power to realise policies. Most young supporters by the 2009 election
applauded Komeito
'
s new position of genjitsu seiken
-
s achievement record (jiseki), and the party had certainly
found a stronger footing than when it entered the coalition. There were,
however, also Soka Gakkai members who judged the downfall of Komeito in
the 2009 Lower House election as due to its too close cooperation with
the LDP, some of whom themselves may have withdrawn their support. Its
close cooperation with the LDP undoubtedly contributed to the loss of its
eight single-seat electoral districts and two of its proportional representational
seats, one of the biggest losses in its history. As we shall see in the following
chapters, in the process of having to respond to many new and real issues
such as foreign policy, and having to come to terms with a much more
'
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