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makers that are no longer, and have not been for some time,
'
historically on
the defensive
s description of the subaltern, in Crehan 2002:
100). The success of this social movement lays in self-empowerment. Rather
than the establishment of a religious denomination, it is the process of self-
empowerment that makes it subversive, and at the root of what makes some
people feel uneasy about it as it confronts a certain historical past and pre-
sent. This
'
(to use Gramsci
'
(depending on how you look at it) in Japanese society
seems to have been di
'
success
'
cult to grasp, often constructed and dismissed as
either simply
behaviour, whatever that means.
In conclusion, the question I have been pursuing is about how a private
religious organisation relates to the
'
religious
'
or
'
mass
'
of Japan. Komeito,
contrary to dominant opinions in the study of politics in Japan, is not a reli-
gious party; nor does Komeito exist to protect speci
'
political society
'
c interests of Soka
Gakkai, apart from in a general sense because it represents certain values and
social objectives. Anthropology here addresses the gaps in the political science
literature about the nature of politics in Soka Gakkai and about Komeito
'
s
role in politics. Though Komeito
'
is overall value framework is selectively
derived from Soka Gakkai
s philosophy, its poli-
tical agenda does not lend itself to any particular religious denomination. As
far as we are willing to de
'
s interpretation of Nichiren
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ne the secular as the absence of denominational
debates in the public sphere, I see Soka Gakkai
'
s support for Komeito as
'
'
'
having a
s political society, rather than the con-
trary. Yet, most Soka Gakkai members believe and expect Komeito politi-
cians to be upholding and living by the values and attitudes they
secularising
e
ect on Japan
nd
attractive in their organisation. This means that they de
ne particular poli-
tical values and attitudes from a religious philosophy, something they see as
the path to the good society. Yet, Soka Gakkai members do not see speci
c
religious ideas (such as Nichiren
s honzon or indeed the establishment of a
high sanctuary) as of direct relevance to the running of public of
'
ce. It is
rather that religious practice for them entails a commitment to working for
the common good in a non-denominational way.
To pledge to show proof to Ikeda-sensei means pledging to be a person of
particular (good) character who maintains particular forms of conduct. This
is the conduct that individual Komeito politicians must be seen to follow if
they are to be regarded as good politicians whom Soka Gakkai members can
trust to carry out their stated objectives of working for the people. There is no
direct religious legitimisation in ceremonial events such as reference to speci
c
religious symbols (as in the USA), but there is an expressed notion of what
politics is for and how it can be carried out only through upholding indivi-
dual standards of conduct that go back to the Lotus Sutra. Active Soka
Gakkai members see Ikeda to be setting the standards for human conduct,
which by any standards are high. Politicians must likewise be honest, sel
ess,
hardworking, trustworthy and be working for a better life for those they
represent. However,
is the common good of society, not for
Soka Gakkai as such. This non-sectarian emphasis makes it a very powerful
'
the better life
'
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