July 2009 to July 2010 - Religion and Politics in Contemporary Japan - page 195

increased a distinct question arose: what was Soka Gakkai going to do as an
organisation that wanted to contribute to a democratic society where the
government was supposedly by and for the people? This inevitably was going
to lead to involvement with politics. According to Kubota, Toda continued to urge
the youth to be interested in politics, to have a broad perspective, never to be
sel sh, but always to think of the role that politics play in securing the welfare of

people who were su ering. Not all youths in Soka Gakkai in Okinawa today

have grown up with this awareness, but for those who have, they come to feel
that Soka Gakkai

s now long tradition in Japan of getting involved with politics
is a way to protect the daily life of ordinary people. Fighting environmental
pollution during the 1960s and 1970s, which posed serious health threats to
the population such as minamata by - (Minamata disease or mercury poison-
ing) in Kyushu where methyl mercury leaked from the factory into rivers, are
part of this history. It is through an awareness of Komeito as having fought
on the side of the people that trust in the tradition of the party built up.
The foremost practice in Soka Gakkai is the study of Nichiren Buddhism.
However, there is a strong awareness that his Buddhism as interpreted by the
three presidents of Soka Gakkai is much more than the act of studying and
chanting, and lies essentially in how it a

'

ects behaviour and vision as a con-
tributing member of society. At a grassroots level, Soka Gakkai is a peace
movement and a cultural movement and members participate in various
activities to raise awareness about social issues such as the importance of
nuclear disarmament or environmental protection. It is clear that those young
people who participate in canvassing to get Komeito politicians elected regard
them as individuals who work with such wider objectives in mind. For many
young people, it becomes natural to support politicians who they see as
playing the role of contributing to wider societal issues. This is the same
everywhere in Soka Gakkai. In Okinawa, as in places such as Hiroshima,
Soka Gakkai arguably even more strongly sees itself as a movement that
seeks to establish a peaceful society. Okinawa is arguably the place in Japan
where Soka Gakkai members feel the connection that exist between daily life
and politics the most. It is not di cult to understand why. One just has to

drive along the central highroad that runs through Okinawa, a road first built

as a runway for US military planes and still flagged by base after base. On the

one side of the road, these bases stretch for miles, covering wide-open spaces
often on the seafront. In contrast, cramped housing is visible on the other
side of the road where the local population live.
As a party for peace, how has Komeito addressed the continued existence
of US bases? Because US troops have occupied Okinawa since the war, issues
of human rights and activities to remove the bases have been central to each
person there. This is the same for Soka Gakkai members. It was in 1954 that
Soka Gakkai in Tokyo

first gave the guidance to change such a cruel envir-
onment into a cause for happiness. Based on this guidance the organisation in
Okinawa began to grow intertwined with a movement for human rights. After
the return of Okinawa to Japan in 1972, Soka Gakkai in Okinawa began to