Geography Reference
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partly due to a problem of typology. Based on empirical observations, I began
to explore some of the assumptions that surround the notion of
'
new religion
'
.
More speci
cally, I began to look at what this religious movement was within
the broader framework of
'
civil society
'
. Shifting some of the assumptions
that underlie the more abrasive term
allows us, among other
things, to discover at least 1 million young people in Japan today who are
active socially and politically. While their activities are conspicuous, the
nature of those activities has remained largely
'
new religion
'
'
hidden
'
within dominant
assumptions about new religions and a lack of
firsthand research. Shifting the
typology and a priori notions sets us on a new footing to begin to explore
what role this Buddhist movement plays in Japan and for democracy there as
a whole.
This topic, then, focuses on how some young people resist the tendency to
at worst become politically apathetic, or at best remain satis
ed with voicing
individual opinions in the blogosphere away from the more di
cult but
arguably necessary step of collective action
that is, if your aim is social
change. Not all Soka Gakkai members are interested in politics or canvass for
Komeito. In fact, the picture is a mixed one; probably only about half of Soka
Gakkai members canvass for the party, usually those who are active in Soka
Gakkai activities. Neither is canvassing even-handed or problem-free. Indeed,
the di
-
culty of maintaining a sense of commitment to engaging with formal
political processes and, in addition, dealing with an often highly politicised
public sphere shall become apparent. It clearly takes enthusiasm to engage in
voluntary activities to try to realise a political vision.
This topic is based on
firsthand research carried out in Japan in 2003 and
2004, during which two general elections took place. This was the basis for a
doctoral thesis, followed by
fieldwork in the months leading up to the August
2009 Lower House election and 2010 Upper House election. Additional
research was also carried out in 2008. It explores how a signi
cant number of
young people in Japan have a better understanding of and engagement with
politics than the literature on Japan has led us to believe so far. Compared to
the more widely recorded social reality of many depoliticised and politically
non-participating youths in Japan, it is a picture of how individuals emerge to
debate con
dently about and with a commitment to issues of wider public
interest. Contrary to popular and academic ideas about the role of new reli-
gions in Japanese society, these young people
s religious philosophy motivates
them to resist the tendency to become politically apathetic and it is their
organisation that provides the much-needed arena to get involved, albeit in
support of one particular political party and despite the controversy this
entails. This process is no easy ride and creates its own internal and external
dilemmas. However, as these young people organise to have a political voice,
the question is: What does the example of young Komeito supporters teach us
about Japanese society, about the role this religion plays in politics, and about
something that unites them enough to engage in the di
'
culty of collective
political action?
 
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