Women, social change and realising political ideals - Religion and Politics in Contemporary Japan - page 156

children. Although, again, in 2011 I saw some changes to this pattern and
more accommodation for at least one woman with childcare responsibility.
Overcoming the glass ceiling that prevents females from becoming deputy
directors or heads of departments in Soka Gakkai in Japan (which is not an
issue in most overseas SGI organisations, apart from perhaps in South Korea)
may face other hurdles compared to companies that exist as a business
enterprise. The fact that the basis for achieving employment and higher posi-
tions is one of faith, something that is s commitment

to achieving Soka Gakkai ideals and objectives, makes promotion or lack
thereof very di

' measured ' in a person '

cult to complain about. Women find standing up for equal

employment rights di cult precisely because their commitment is to achieve

k - sen-rufu rather than their personal advancement. The criteria for employ-
ment in Soka Gakkai are not only based on technical skills or quali cations;

suitability has much to do with an individual s faith expressed through the

level of voluntary activities in which a person is engaged. Such faith-based
employment arrangements mean that people employed by Soka Gakkai play
a dual role both as employee and religious leader, who need to show them-
selves as exemplary to others. They need to be people who have strong faith
and therefore sel

'

ess commitment means in Japan
being available for work at all times, married women with childcare respon-
sibilities may feel that they cannot live up to that requirement, and should
therefore not take a salary, which after all comes from members

ess commitment. Since sel

'

donations.

Some Soka Gakkai staff may even be regarded as having the role of a new

' '

in that they are expected to dedicate every aspect of their life to
their movement, the expectations of a priest who supposedly commits himself
to his vocation in a calling. The

priesthood

flip side of this is that this makes it even more

di cult for male employees of Soka Gakkai to participate in domestic tasks

and childrearing. The fact that Soka Gakkai always employs deputy directors
or vice-presidents who are expected to devote all their waking life to the
organisation is another factor for why there are no women at this organisa-
tional level. Changing such attitudes towards balancing work and family may
be even more di cult for employees of Soka Gakkai than in wider society

because of the devotion needed to be a staff member of Soka Gakkai who is

also generally a leader in faith.
Consequently, although Soka Gakkai supports Komeito and a political
agenda of creating a gender-free society, its own emphasis on gender equality
and the merits of women has so far not translated into an overhaul of a
patriarchal employment structure in Soka Gakkai. However, more important
for Soka Gakkai members than the conservative employment patterns in
Soka Gakkai (which of course only constitute about 3,000 employees compared
to 10 million members), is the wider societal alternative to becoming a house-
wife. For the vast majority of Soka Gakkai women, who are not employed by
Soka Gakkai, if they have the option of becoming a housewife, the alternative
of working in an of ce with potentially few prospects and long hours may not

seem very attractive. This is because not only does it mean having to juggle