Framework for Re-thinking Ethics in the Organic Movement - Re-Thinking Organic Food and Farming in a Changing World - page 254

13.1.2 Farmers' Values

Before analyzing farmers' values in detail, it is important to remember that those
who have chosen to convert to organic must go through a transition period (Lamine
and Bellon 2009 ). There is evidence that the social environment influences the
decision to convert (Rantzau et al. 1990 ). To change from conventional to organic
often means socializing with a new peer group and becoming part of a new culture
(Verhoog et al. 2003 ). However, during this time, some might also decide to continue
with their (first) non-organic “value-community”. Therefore, the need for such a
socio-cultural re-orientation or adaptation into a new social environment is less
evident for those who adopt a high input conventionalized organic approach.
In the following discussion of farmers' diverse motivations and values, we clearly
recognize the diversity in backgrounds, intentions and motivations to convert to
organic (e.g., Fairweather 1999 ). When studying the factors that influence the
decision to convert to organic, we should be careful not to compare today's
converters with those who first converted. For example, Lund et al. ( 2004 ) identified
different values between the pioneers and more contemporary organic farmers. Best
( 2008 , p. 100), as well, in a study of German organic farms, reported that recent
converters were more specialized, and found direct marketing of less importance. It
is hard to assess however, if these trends were the result of changes in societal values
or specific differentiation in the organic movement. Based on country-specific
dynamics, the development of organic farms, farmer motives and values differ from
country to country (Willer and Kilcher 2011 ).
Technical, economic, and labor issues have been reported as main barriers to
the adoption of organic farming (Midmore et al. 2001 ; Khaledi et al. 2007 ). Some
studies report that bureaucracy and market access present challenges to adoption
(Schneeberger et al. 2002 ). But it has also been recognized for some time, that
those who decide to convert, are confronted with pressure from their farmer friends
because organic deviates from dominate social norms or runs the risk of failing
(Duram 2000 , p. 20; Dimitri and Oberholtzer 2009 ). Especially in large-scale,
cash crop regions (Kölsch 1988 ), or where there are large numbers of non-organic
farmers (Schramek and Schnaut 2004 ), organic converters may quickly become
outsiders. As a result, some simply decide to use high input organic practices
(feedstuff and organic fertilizer) that often parallel those of conventional farming.
Kaufmann et al. ( 2009 ) argue that subsidies appear to be more influential than
social factors in the decision to convert. However, with subsidies and a positive
social environment, often the adoption rate often increases. In those regions where
organic is mainstream or where direct marketing and agro-tourism strategies domi-
nate (FAO/ITC/CTA 2001 ), organic farmers become highly respected by consumers
(Kaufmann et al. 2009 ) (see e.g., Getter et al., Chap. 7 ) . Those following a more
classical organic approach tend to relate more with engaged or attentive organic
consumers than they do with their neighbors who continue intense conventional and
non-organic practices.