Agriculture Reference
In-Depth Information
of communicating ideas, information and examples of local organizing such as
farmers' markets, CSAs and cooperatives. In these instances, IFOAM's role for
integrating ethics into both 'branches' (regional/international) of organic becomes
increasingly relevant.
As Grosglik argue, the multiplicity of ideals, images and representations that are
associated with organic food in Israel, turns organic into a carrier of different (and
even contradictory) post-modernist positions. Israeli organic food has created a new
consumer-cultural discourse that is fundamentally different from that of previous
agricultural discourse. This discourse connects with the process of the conven-
tionalization and commodification of organic through which organic becomes a
post-Fordist commodity. At issue are the ways in which IFOAM can address the
ethics of the multiple organics.
Each of the chapters address the relationship between markets and consumers,
and the values brought to this relationship. As Adamoli observes, the values of the
consumers are often reflected in the purchasing choices. Her study helps to illustrate
the decisions of organic, hybrid citizen-consumers. In Michigan, particular images
invoked customer's preferences and values that are in line with the principles of
health, ecology and to some extent fairness; but they do not evoke ideas related
to care. The Israeli case illustrates an additional dimension in which different
consumer values are seen in the context of global commodification.
Whatever might be the preferred values of consumers, organic is bound to
multiple values. When looked at from the perspective of the IFOAM principles of
Health, Ecology, Fairness and Care, one sees how the individual values intertwine.
This means that even if the main motivation for a consumer is self-interest for
personal health (Hughner et al. 2007 ), the consumer can also support values
related to animal welfare and environmental sustainability (i.e., an altruistic value
orientation instead of an individualistic one). But, in general these chapters illustrate
that self-interest has proven to be much more influential globally in motivating
consumer purchasing of organic products than altruistic values and reasoning (i.e.
animal welfare, environmental reasons, supporting farmers, fair prices etc.). 1
The comparison of the three chapters allows us to highlight the significance
and meaning of the importance of emotion in building trust between producer
and consumer. In Adamoli's survey the codes and labels should impart trust. But,
without information about the meaning of the codes and labels, any trust that is
created is superficial or emotion-based, and not the result of empirical information.
Moreover, it does not generate or foster any social connections. Getter et al. indicate
that consumers trust local milk because they can see farmer practices. In this case
the consumer is socially connected with the farmer. However, often overlooked is
the fact that knowing or seeing the farmer does not automatically mean that the
production follows the IFOAM Principles. Being connected with the farmer is social
and emotional. In contrast, in the case of fair trade oriented market frameworks
discussed by Grosglik, written rules document the characteristics of production in
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