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Portugal) consolidated their control over
the lesser Christian principalities and
engaged in dynastic maneuvers that culmi-
nated in the marriage of F
ERDINAND
V of
Aragon and I
SABELLA
I of Castile in 1469.
Once both of these Reyes Católicos (Catho-
lic Kings) had been recognized as fully sov-
ereign at home they became, in effect,
co-sovereigns of a united Christian Spain.
They lost no time in preparing for the ulti-
mate confrontation with the “Moros,” as
the Muslims were commonly called. Yet the
Catholic Kings and their advisers were not
precipitate in their actions. They took ample
time in building up a large military force,
drawn chiefly from Castile but under the
overall personal command of Ferdinand.
Their initial move against Granada, with
which they had essentially been at peace
for 200 years, was preceded by a legalistic
barrage of border adjustment claims. When
these were rejected Christian forces
launched a series of attacks, only to be
repulsed. It was not until 1483 that a rever-
sal of fortune permitted the Spaniards to
gain the upper hand when they captured
the ruler of Granada, Muhammad XI, called
Boabdil by the Spaniards (and in private
“el
rey chico”
—“the little king”). Ferdinand
treated the young monarch courteously but
forced him to accept vassalage in order to
regain his personal freedom. This would
give Ferdinand the justification for all his
military and political actions during the
next eight years.
The ultimate fall of Granada was not,
however, due solely to the prowess of the
Spaniards. It owed much to the internal
divisions among the Muslims of the king-
dom. The ruling dynasty, the Nasrids, were
driven by personal hatreds, and the princi-
pal aristocratic families were constantly
shifting their allegiance to advance their
own presumed advantage. The kingdom
had prospered tremendously during two
centuries of peace, and its commercial and
agricultural wealth had created a concen-
tration of Islamic culture that was reflected
in the splendor of its buildings and the con-
fidence of its leaders. But prosperity had
bred corruption and luxurious self-indul-
gence at the highest levels. King Muley
Hassan, who had boldly defied Ferdinand's
original claims in 1481, was also caught in
harem intrigues that led him to execute his
elder son and to drive the younger, Boabdil,
into revolt. The struggle between Muley
Hassan and Boabdil continued to divide
their subjects until 1485 when the elder
man was driven into exile, shortly followed
by his death. Yet this did not bring Boabdil
into sole control of the kingdom, for his
uncle El Zagal (as he was called by the
Spaniards) had been named as presumptive
successor by the late king. A virtual civil
war between uncle (ruling as Muhammad
XII) and nephew continued for the next
five years, even as Ferdinand continued to
capture Muslim outposts while his fleet
blocked the coastal towns to prevent rein-
forcements being brought in from North
Africa. Some Spanish commentators have
contrasted the martial virtues of the North
African Moors of this period with what are
dismissed as the effete and cowardly efforts
of the Spanish Muslims to fight for their
territory. The latter description can hardly
be applied to the forces commanded by El
Zagal, who obstinately defended those parts
of the kingdom under his control, particu-
larly the city of M
ÁLAGA
, which valiantly
withstood a prolonged siege by Ferdinand's
troops. Boabdil, by contrast, boldly denied
his previous submission to Ferdinand yet
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