Travel Reference
In-Depth Information
in the home, women are not given the same
rights as their Western counterparts, or even
their Kyrgyz and Kazakh neighbours for that
matter. Although the Soviets did much to
bring women into the mainstream of soci-
ety, no amount of propaganda could entirely
defeat sexist attitudes. There are some signs
of change - dress codes continue to liberal-
ise, for example, but old habits die hard and
women in conservative families are expected
to be subservient to their husbands. Marriag-
es in Uzbek society are traditionally arranged.
Onward to Andijon
The years after independence saw Kari-
mov consolidate his grip on power. Dissent
shrivelled thanks to control of the media,
police harassment and imprisonment of
activists. Through it all, the economy stag-
nated and the devastating cotton monocul-
ture continued.
A new threat emerged in February 1999
when a series of bomb attacks hit Tashkent.
This led to a crackdown on radical Islamic
fundamentalists -
wahabis
in the local par-
lance - that extended to a broad spectrum
of opponents. Hundreds of alleged Islamic
extremists were arrested. The IRP, with sup-
port in the Fergana Valley, was forced under-
ground and Erk was declared illegal.
After extending his first term by referen-
dum, Karimov won a second term as presi-
dent in January 2000, garnering 92% of the
votes. Foreign observers deemed the elec-
tion a farce and international condemnation
was widespread. But the 9/11 attacks on the
United States gave Karimov a reprieve. The
Uzbek president opened up bases in Termiz
and Karshi to the US and NATO for use in
the war in Afghanistan, then sat back and
watched the US aid money - US$500 mil-
lion in 2002 alone - start flowing in.
As an added bonus for Karimov, solidar-
ity with the US in the 'War on Terror' effec-
tively gave him a licence to ratchet up his
campaign against the
wahabis
. According
to human rights groups, Karimov used this
license to brand anyone he wanted to silence
a 'terrorist'. Another rigged election in 2004,
this one parliamentary, drew only modest
international criticism.
Such was the situation on 13 May 2005
when events in the eastern city of Andijon
rocked the country and instantly demol-
ished Uzbekistan's cosy relationship with
the United States.
Population
By far the most populous country in Central
Asia, Uzbekistan boasts almost 30 million
people, creating an ethnically and linguis-
tically diverse jigsaw puzzle. Uzbeks make
up around 80% of the population, while
Tajiks make up 5%, as do ethnic Russians.
Kazakhs, Koreans, Tatars, Karakalpaks and
Ukrainians make up the other major ethnic
minorities. There is still a minuscule Jewish
population in Bukhara and an even smaller
one in Samarkand.
Tashkent is Uzbekistan's biggest city and
the Fergana Valley is home to Uzbekistan's
largest concentration of people, a quarter of
the population. About three-quarters of the
population are ethnic Uzbek. Samarkand,
the second city, is Tajik-speaking, as are
many of the communities surrounding it,
including Bukhara and Karshi. The further
west you travel the more sparsely populated
the land becomes. Karakalpakstan - home
to Kazakhs, Karakalpaks and Khorezmians -
has seen its population dwindle as a result of
the Aral Sea disaster.
Religion
Close to 90% of Uzbeks claim to be Muslim,
although the vast majority are not practis-
ing. Most are the moderate Hanafi Sunni va-
riety, with Sufism also popular. About 9% of
the population is Christian (mostly Eastern
Orthodox), according to the CIA Factbook.
The Fergana Valley maintains the greatest
Islamic conservative base. Since the 1999
bomb attacks in Tashkent, mosques have
been banned from broadcasting the
azan
(call to prayer), and mullahs have been pres-
sured to praise the government in their ser-
mons. Attendance at mosques, already on
the decline, fell drastically in the wake of the
2005 Andijon incident.
People
Centuries of tradition as settled people left
the Uzbeks in a better position than their
nomadic neighbours to fend off Soviet at-
tempts to modify their culture. Traditions of
the Silk Road still linger as Uzbeks consider
themselves good traders, hospitable hosts
and tied to the land.
While Uzbek men toil to make ends meet,
women struggle for equality. Considered
second-class citizens in the workplace and
