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Fig. 3.2  The ten basic capabilities. (Source: The descriptions are re-organized from Nussbaum's
ideas ( 2011 , pp. 33-34))
countries. Many of these took centuries to achieve through protest and progressive
legislation that enshrined the ideas in law. Sadly, in many countries, there is often a
difference between what rights are described in a constitution and what happens in
reality, while people in many states still do have any legal or even practical access to
these rights. Moreover, the impoverished, even in democratic countries, often face
what is called a tragic choice in needs, for many individuals have to focus on one
need to achieve another, such as a woman paying for good day care or education for
a child, while going without food or leisure for herself.
Advocates for this approach also stress that these capabilities come from several
sources: the innate qualities of each person; the additional traits that are developed
from such features as each person's upbringing and education; the enabling en-
vironments around, which have mores and laws that enable the capabilities to be
blocked or developed; and the extent to which these are realised , or put into action
rather than existing in theory, such as when a child may be free to be educated, but
opts not to do so, perhaps under family pressure to get a job. This shows that many
actions and preferences are malleable, for people learn to do without, and then just
accept the situation. It is also worth noting that the realisation of these features also
depends on the longevity of these features, the extent to which they will still be
present in the future.
As in all approaches to human development, many critiques of the Capability
approach have been made (Clark 2005 ). One of the most fundamental, apart from
arguments about the completeness of the list, has been the suggestion that these ca-
pabilities need to be developed by the impoverished people who are most affected,
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