Geography Reference
In-Depth Information
The true risk lies in the fact that while a focus on place-making continues, existing places
may be lost because of the lack of a cohesive approach to place-sustaining. When a place
that already exists is endangered, this does not need to be “made” but rather, it needs to
be sustained…. The danger is that by not focusing on place-sustaining, planners will be
doomed to a continual cycle of place-making, which will always aim, but may not succeed,
to re-create the original sense of place. (Radstrom
2011
, pp. 109-110).
Radstrom's research was conducted mainly on Cittaslow towns in Italy, where ur-
ban and regional identities are often based on a long tradition of historic and often
competitive city-states which were only absorbed into the new state of Italy in the
mid-nineteenth century. Outside of Italy this strong regional identity and continuing
city-state feeling from their historic heritage does not occur to the same extent; or
if it did, existing regional cultures may not have survived modernization, so their
conservation forms a minor part of the holistic approach to sustainable urban de-
velopment. However, even in Italy conservation is a minor concern in some towns.
For example, in San Vincenzo very few of the old spaces, traditions and crafts have
survived. Hence, this town's Cittaslow goals are aimed at devising environmentally
sound versions of
new
practices, such as beach tourism (Miele
2008
). Although
conservation may only play a minor part in the overall strategies of some members,
there is no doubt that the Cittaslow movement has become associated with this wid-
er conservation trend. Knox has pointed to a possible negative effect of such poli-
cies, which may act contrary to the overall goal of producing 'slowness' in a town.
Paradoxically, Slow City designation becomes a form of brand recognition within the heri-
tage industry. Because they are small … the charming attraction of Slow Cities could all too
easily be overwhelmed by tourism. So the more they flaunt their gentle-paced life, the faster
they may end up changing. In this scenario prices will rise … caf￩s will lose their spilled-
drink, smoky, messy, authenticity … affluent outsiders will choose to make their second
homes in them … and the poor and the young will be pushed out. (Knox
2005
, pp. 7-8)
Some of these problems, of course, have surfaced in many attractive small towns
in western Europe, in particular where second home owners account for a large
part of the local housing stock, leading to accusations of rural and small settlement
gentrification.
One of the crucial features of the official recognition of Cittaslow status is the
impetus it gives to a town's alternative development strategies. But at the same
time the town needs to be aware that the acquisition of this status carries the risk
that the intensity with which the town is used by others may increase. At an early
stage this may bring about a welcome increase in tourism. But over time it may also
lead to the displacement of low-income residents and businesses as property prices
increase and only new incoming middle class households can afford properties. It
would be incorrect, however, to view any such displacement as a simple outcome
of Cittaslow status. Increases in property prices in historic or distinctive towns are
part of a wider trend in which the poor are displaced (Smith and Williams
1986
). So
while Cittaslow status may play a part in this movement, alone it does not account
for it. Also, while both variety and fluidity are important in terms of defining the
Cittaslow movement, they do not set the movement's members apart from other
towns pursuing alternative development strategies. Pink (
2009
) has suggested that
