Geography Reference
In-Depth Information
assumed that the growth in average intelligence levels in rich countries is due to
better and longer education (Flynn
1987
; Lynn and Vanhanen
2006
). But Eppig
et al. (
2010
,
2011
) have also shown by a study of 192 countries that there is a strong
(0.67) inverse correlation between the average intelligence levels and those subject
to a high incidence of disease, as measured by an index based on 28 infectious
diseases. Although this finding is at a country scale, the same relationship prob-
ably applies at a city level, for large cities in developing countries often have lower
health levels and higher levels of infectious diseases compared to those in advanced
states—even though the urban conditions are often better than in the rural regions.
Other explanations tested for the relationship, whether income, education, propor-
tion of agricultural workers, or climate, proved negative. It seems that the presence
of parasites and pathogens, especially malaria and diarrhoea, seriously diminish the
early development of the brain and cognition in general. So Eppig concluded that
the intelligence growth in developed countries may, in large part, be due to the abo-
lition of serious infections in these countries, which had previously impeded brain
development in many children. Ensuring good quality health facilities is not simply
a humane policy to keep active people alive and working; it may be an essential
element in raising the intelligence of a population, whether in countries or cities.
Similarly the average wealth and its distribution in a population is also important.
Low income inequalities mean that more people have money to spend on goods and
services, whereas a highly unequal situation means that only the elite have much
spending ability and they are more likely to buy luxury goods from overseas, which
does not improve the local circulation of money and employment. Large numbers of
poor and unemployed provide a negative element to a city in terms of productivity
and wealth generation.
The human capital category should also take into account the possibility of fu-
ture
changes,
such as the rate of growth and age structure of the population. An
increase in old age dependency may mean that there are fewer active workers, so
resources have to be spent on supporting the very old who are unable to contribute
to employment. At the other end of the age distribution a very young population
again means high dependency rates, but may provide a future advantage so long
as job generation rates are high in the city. The third human capital sub-category
involves the extent to which the population can be seen to be a capital asset because
of their
attitudinal capacities
. The degree of tolerance and also the extent of co-
operative ability to work in groups are important features, since it avoids any clash
of languages and cultures that would hinder progress. In addition their attitudes to
work, and recognition of the value of knowledge, are also seen as key elements in
future progress. Related to this point is the extent to which a population is inclusive,
in the sense of not denying others—such as those of different colour, culture or
gender—from employment opportunities and education. One example may make
the point. Despite the continued gap in wages between males and females in many
occupations there seems little doubt that women have contributed hugely to the
development and wealth of many societies in the last 30 years, whether in cities or
states. By contrast, some other societies have often denied females the opportunity
to contribute outside the household, especially in those countries where they are not
