Geography Reference
In-Depth Information
One of the other assumptions underpinning the Creative Class theory is that once
this group have been brought together, their intrinsic capabilities and drive will
lead to economic vibrancy (Scott
2006
). While there are well-demonstrated ben-
efits of clustering of firms and talent, this does not guarantee growth. There are so
many different occupational groups under the 'umbrella' of the Creative Class that
the concept would need to be significantly disaggregated to draw any meaningful
conclusion about economic impacts. Markusen (
2006
) argued that is it simply non-
sensical to try to suggest that the role and impact of artists and musicians can in any
way be compared to that of scientists, engineers and other members of the Creative
Class. Based on her empirical research, she questioned whether the relationship
between the creative class and economic development may in fact work in the op-
posite direction to that suggested by Florida. Drawing on her work in Minneapolis-
St-Paul, where the 3 M high-tech firm is based, she observed that artists may be
attracted to high-technology, wealthy areas, as it may be relatively easier to find
markets and patrons for their work. That important view takes one back to the situ-
ation found in the early modern period in Italy where artists flocked to the political
and religious patrons in the city states, for these were the ones needing art for their
palaces, cities and churches.
10.5.3
Intensifying Inequality
A second body of work critiquing these concepts has focused on the impacts of
these ideas, in particular the relationship between Creative City strategies and intra-
urban inequality. It has been suggested that inequality is an inevitable outcome of
the strategies, given the emphasis placed on the needs and demands of a particular
social group—the Creative Class. Yet many places have assumed the opposite. An
extreme example of this can be seen by the 'Cool Cities' Initiative in the state of
Michigan, which put the need to attract and keep creative people first, in the expec-
tation that they will then attract new activities to reverse economic decline. This is
an approach that has been described as:
creating hot jobs in 'cool neighborhoods' throughout Michigan….It's about attracting and
encouraging people—especially young people—to live, work and shop in the 'cool cities'
we are working hard to create together. Build a 'cool city' and they—young knowledge
workers and other creative class members—will come. (CC: Cool Cities)
Examples of similar strategies abound, given the uncritical acceptance of Creative
City ideas. But to think that the inverse relationship between equality and creative
city growth is new would be a mistake. After all, Hall (
2000
) has reminded us that
Creative Cities throughout history have been bourgeois centres where high culture
was created by an artistic minority to fill the demands of a wealthy, but small elite.
These cities were characterized by a highly unequal distribution of wealth that led
to high consumption by the elite, paralleling the way that creative boosters today
promote the consumption experience as central to the creativity agenda. This link
between inequality and creative class growth has been revived in a more contempo-
rary context by McCann (
2007
), who has shown a clear correlation between creative
