Geography Reference
In-Depth Information
the U.S.A., such as in the Neighbourhood Revitalization Programme in Minne-
apolis (Fainstein
2010
, p. 181). Similar schemes have emerged in some seriously
disadvantaged neighbourhoods, where decentralised delivery and renovation also
have the advantage of training local people to provide jobs and skills needed by the
community, ranging from maintenance to plumbing. U.K. Community Councils
have the legal right to spend a few percent of local taxes in their own area, which
are usually used to help cultural projects. In addition, there are many examples
where local community groups in cities run facilities in partnership with the city,
while the EcoDistrict approach pioneered in Portland and discussed in Chap. 7
shows how communities can become more effective in creating better environ-
ments. All these examples create greater local participation and more effective
democracy within the city, although the ever present dangers associated with the
NIMBY principle must be recognized and counteracted. Yet such changes could
mean that a patchwork of very different results will emerge, with middle-class
communities likely to achieve better results than poor areas because of the skills
and participation of their residents and a focus to create positive change. This may
increase the inequalities in facilities found in different areas, which may reduce the
push to fairness. So ways of counteracting such class differences need to be found,
such as the type of community action in disadvantaged areas pioneered by Alinsky
(
1971
). Despite this problem, consideration should be given to providing decen-
tralization in service delivery, so long as it does not result in a loss of municipal
solidarity and sense of common purpose through political fragmentation of the city
and the creation of antagonistic community groups.
3518
Universal Adult Franchise and Rights
The hypocrisy of a universal adult franchise should be critiqued to help the most
vulnerable
There are often large numbers of adults in cities who do not vote and
participate in the urban democratic process and these are some of the most vulner-
able who have no real voice in decision-making. Indeed, one of the great injustices
in many cities of the developed world, especially the large world cities, is associated
with the immigrants—some who are illegal—who perform many of the low wage
and often casual jobs spurned by the citizens. In many western countries legal im-
migrants may have the right to residence, but not of citizenship, even after years
of living in the country. This means they cannot vote in city or state elections. Ef-
fectively, therefore, they are excluded from the democratic process, despite their
contributions to the economy, increasing the likelihood of their resentment and
alienation from the society in which they live. Certainly this is a complex problem,
relating to the extent to which immigrants can aspire to nationality if certain re-
quirements are fulfilled, such as acquiring the state language. However, a case can
be made for giving municipal voting privileges to all residents of a city, or at least
those legally resident, but who are not national citizens, to further democracy at this
level, if not at national scale. One of the few examples where this is being practiced
is in Denmark's municipal elections where legal immigrants who have lived in the
