Geography Reference
In-Depth Information
disappearing two years later, de Gaulle was re-emerging as a name to remember.
The general brought the Algerian war to a close by conceding Independence,
launched in French Africa a quick and peaceful decolonization process, and
defined a nuclear doctrine based upon national autonomy. But Nehru passed
away in 1964, and when Indira Gandhi really confirmed her hold over India's
political scene, de Gaulle had already resigned.
On the whole, the bilateral relationship, all along the 1960s to the 1980s, was
not bad but somewhat indifferent, André Malraux's exalted visits and the hard
work conducted by French indologists notwithstanding. The relationship could
have been much more substantial, and not only on the economic front. Since the
inception of the Indian Atomic Energy Commission, France had offered support
to India's nuclear energy program, when the dual technology issue was not the
constraint it became later on.
The first French nuclear test in 1960, followed by the development of a
national 'force de frappe' relying upon a land/sea/air triad, the elaboration of the
French nuclear deterrence doctrine, and the 22 years-long reluctance of Paris to
join the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) were followed with interest by Indian
security experts. India took note of de Gaulle's decision to step partly outside
NATO, by deciding in 1966 to withdraw from the integrated military command
of the Alliance, in order to preserve the free use of French forces.
As a medium-sized country willing to assert herself and having her say despite
the major Cold War divide, France was sending a message which was not lost on
New Delhi. The delivery of spare parts during the Indo-Pakistan war of 1965;
France's overall support to the cause of Bangladesh and India in 1971, in
contrast to the entering of US aircraft carrier
Enterprise
in the Bay of Bengal,
seen in India as an act of intimidation; Paris taking over from the US the supply
of heavy water to Tarapur nuclear plant in the early 1980s—all had positive
consequences.
The Scope for Improvement
Potential affinities and limited shared interests were not enough, however.
French foreign policy directed to what has been called the Third World was by
tradition focused on Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America. India was not
much in the radar screen of the French decision makers, who were certainly
selling her armaments, but were known for having in this field strong if not
stronger links with Pakistan.
French-speaking Indira Gandhi had met French presidents from de Gaulle to
Mitterrand, but her visits never upgraded significantly the bilateral relationship,
nor did Giscard d'Éstaing's visit in 1979—the first testimony of a growing
interest nonetheless—or Mitterrand's two official visits to India in 1982 and
1989. India's Year in France, in 1985, was an image building exercise not much
