Geography Reference
In-Depth Information
signed Decree No. 312, which paralleled the NSG guidelines—though it
exempted Russia's 1988 agreement with India to build two nuclear reactors at
Kudankulam that provided for facility safeguards, thus meeting the requirements
governing deals prior to 1992.
In 1996, Yeltsin reaffirmed Russia's commitment to the NSG Guidelines.
However, Putin took a step soon after he took office distancing the country's
policy from NSG by amending Russia's export control legislation; in May 2000,
Decree No. 312 was modified to allow nuclear supplies to non-nuclear weapon
states whose activities were not under full-scope safeguards 'in exceptional
circumstances'.
33
The position of Russia's Minatom (Ministry of Atomic Energy) was that the
new Decree significantly expanded Russia's nuclear export capability and that it
was linked to Russia's intent to assist the Indian program. Indeed, Putin said as
much when he noted in New Delhi that two more reactors in addition to
Koodankulam were distinct possibilities.
34
This was consistent with Adamov's
promise in
The Hindu
interview that 'We will do our best to participate in India's
ambitious program to generate 20,000 MW of nuclear power by 2020'.
35
In another positive signal, Russia came to India's rescue when China stopped
badly needed supplies of enriched uranium fuel to Tarapur after India's 1998
nuclear tests. India turned to Russia which began delivering supplies in February
2001, despite criticism from the west. For example,
The Economist
took the
Russian leadership to task, calling 'Russia's nuclear dalliance with India', a
result of 'the fissile nature of Russian politics'.
36
The Russians were accused of
falling back on old Soviet connections with India, allegedly often with the
connivance of officials who are supposed to police any irregularities.
Adamov, who was close to Putin, seems to have exerted strong influence on
Indo-Russian nuclear policy. The Atomic Energy head apparently not only had
Putin's ear but was also close to certain influential business communities.
According to some analysts, Putin's decision to sign the Decree in May 2000
allowing nuclear supplies to non-nuclear countries which did not have full-scope
safeguards may have been a political move to support Adamov as the nuclear
energy chief tried to increase nuclear sales abroad.
37
Critics argued that the head of Minatom had a foreign policy all his own, and
that concerns expressed by foreign ministry officials were more often than not
overridden by the drive for sales. Indeed, Adamov was perceived to have been
replaced in March 2001 partly for his outspokenness (for example, his interview
to
The Hindu
), and enthusiasm for deals with Iran. His ouster gave rise to
speculation that the Ministry of Atomic Energy may abandon its attempts to
'substitute its corporate policy for state policy in nuclear non-proliferation' thus
providing an opportunity for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
38
On the contrary, Adamov's successor, Alexander Rumyantsev, has come out
firmly in favor of Russian nuclear assistance to India (and Iran for that matter).
