Geography Reference
In-Depth Information
Reconciling Global Differences
The evolving positions of Russia and India on the American missile defense
system are also instructive in understanding the changed global environment and
its effect on Indo-Russian relations. Russia has strongly opposed the change in
the traditional deterrence posture of the US implied by missile defenses, which in
turn holds serious uncertainties for Russia.
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India had generally been supportive
of Russia on this score, agreeing that missile defenses would be too destabilizing
and likely to foment further arms build up by others such as China.
Yet, in the spring of 2001, as the incoming Bush administration announced its
intentions to move forward with developing missile defenses, India
conspicuously went out of its way to state its support.
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That the Indian
leadership chose to take a public stand on this in spite of the fact that a senior
Russian minister was on a trip to India, and that it went against India's own stand
which was historically faithful to the Russian position on missile defense, was
telling. While it may be seen as India playing the 'American card'
vis-à-vis
the
Russians, the reality is that India's main aim is to consolidate its growing ties
with the US without particular reference to Indo-Russian relations. From the
global perspective, what is most interesting is that there is in fact increasing
evidence that the Russians themselves might be willing to live with the US
missile decision and that they are largely playing for time and
quid pro quo
.
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While it is difficult to sketch out a specific role for India in Russia's plans
given the Russians' persisting uncertainty about their ultimate identity and
global posture, the fairly indifferent attitude toward India taken at the beginning
of the transition has perceptibly changed. With the ascendancy of the India-
oriented Primakov in place of Kozyrov, first as Foreign Minister in 1996, and
then as Prime Minister, followed by President Boris Yeltsin's visit to New Delhi,
developments suggested that though well into its transition and late in the tenure
of the Yeltsin team, Russia was re-discovering India as part of its overall policy
reassessment.
The extensive trip to India by President Vladimir Putin in October 2000 served
to reinforce this trend in important ways. For example, this slow but discernible
shift has been mirrored in Russia's more open acceptance of India's declared
nuclear status. In response to India's nuclear tests in 1998, Russia had joined the
chorus of condemnation by the west, though in more muted tones.
Putin's trip to India included a high profile stop at India's premier nuclear
research institution and the country's nuclear nerve center, the Bhabha Atomic
Research Centre (BARC). Putin visited BARC with R. Chidambaram, then
Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission and Anil Kakodkar, Director of
BARC, both closely connected with the 1998 Pokhran tests. The Russian
premier spoke before the scientific community with surprisingly little rancor
