Travel Reference
In-Depth Information
Ehud Barak (front left) and Benjamin Netanyahu (front right) at the handover-of-offi ce ceremonies in the Prime
Minister's Offi ce following Barak's 1999 election victory. (Getty Images / Image Bank.)
While there has been some debate from time to time over whether the prime minister's offi ce
is becoming too strong or too weak, this has never developed into a major concern. The prin-
cipal critique of the system is the need to make so many coalition partnerships, which is per-
ceived as producing corruption, waste, and an excessive infl uence for special interest groups.
This last point is usually made by secular forces complaining about the leverage of religious
parties, although the latter's rivalries and the ease with which a Labor or Likud prime minis-
ter can play them off against one another somewhat reduces their power. The concerns have
lessened as immigration from the former Soviet Union proportionately reduced the religious
parties' power.
The third era of Israeli politics was ushered in by Ariel Sharon. Elected prime minister in
2001, he wanted to build a centrist base for his strategy of unilateral withdrawal from the Gaza
Strip and concessions on some Palestinian-related issues that went beyond what his Likud
Party was willing to give. Consequently, he split from the party, which he had played a central
role in forming, while also taking defectors — including Peres — from Labor. The new party
was called Kadima (Forward).
It seemed that Israel would now have a three-main-party system. Kadima remained in
power after Sharon suffered a disabling stroke. His designated heir Ehud Olmert replaced him
but resigned in a corruption scandal, necessitating elections in 2009. Following a very close
election between Benjamin Netanyahu and Tzipi Livni, Netanyahu won because he was able to
form a coalition. Far more parties felt closer to his views than to Livni's.
