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Part of the reason for these legal successes is that the issue is not associated with any par-
ticular political stance, aside from religion. The fact that religious parties are opposed actually
helps gay rights activists win support, since many secular Israelis who might not otherwise care
about the issue view gay rights as another battlefi eld against the religious.
In 1998 an Israeli transsexual, Dana International, whose family originally came from Ye-
men, became a national hero after winning the Eurovision song contest and hosted the 1999
contest held in Jerusalem. The mixing of infl uences in Israel is manifest in her choosing as the
theme song in Jerusalem one based on the writings of a famous Yemenite Jewish religious poet.
The same year, the fi rst openly lesbian politician, Michal Eden, was elected to the Tel Aviv
City Council. Tel Aviv annually holds a gay pride parade and fi lm festival. Gays and lesbians in
the Arab and Haredi sectors have a harder time, as these groups are not tolerant of homosexu-
ality, but there are organizations that seek to help people in these communities.
Haredi protesters demonstrate against gay parades in Jerusalem; at the 2005 parade, a
Haredi man stabbed and wounded three marchers. Other protesters argue that the preferences
of the majority and the holy nature of the city make gay parades there distasteful, even if they
are acceptable in other cities. Activists, however, point out that the parade does not go through
Haredi neighborhoods, and the annual celebration continues.
THE MILITARY
Israel's army, the Israel Defense Forces, has three defi ning characteristics. First, it was designed
as a people's army modeled after that of Switzerland. This means a relatively small standing
army, a mandatory draft, and a large reserve force —whose members can be called back to ac-
tive duty when necessary. This model was also chosen in the belief that near-universal service
would weld the country's people together, develop the virtues of service to society, and help
build the nation.
Compulsory military service for most segments of Israeli society is thus understood not
only as a security requirement but also as fulfi llment of the duty of citizens to share in national
defense. This dynamic means that participation in the army creates solidarity, contributes to
a shared education, and produces a melting pot effect that spreads to the country's diverse
groups. Yet the demands of modern warfare increasingly push toward the creation of a smaller,
more highly trained professional army, a situation that somewhat confl icts with the people's
army concept.
A second defi ning element of the Israeli military is a focus on quality over quantity. Prior-
ity is placed on the cultivation of highly educated, well-trained forces; good relations between
offi cers and enlisted soldiers; offi cers trained to take the initiative; research and development;
and the use of technological force multipliers. The IDF also tries, not always successfully, to
avoid the old problem of fi ghting the last war by a frank evaluation of past mistakes and a
strong consciousness of what is necessary for the next one. Precisely because soldiers are so
vocal, have widely different political views, and can mobilize popular support, and also be-
cause so many former offi cers are in the Knesset and hold other political leadership positions,
problems cannot be swept under the rug.
 
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