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and, equally, their religious practices cannot be defi ned as excessive. They merely express a
specifi c interpretation of Jewish law and life.
The Haredi response to modernity, as mentioned earlier, was based on the Talmudic con-
cept of “building a fence” around the Torah — that is, permitting the minimum possible in-
trusion of change. Haredim are characterized by a strict interpretation of Jewish law and a
rejection of secular culture.
It is easy to believe — and the Haredim themselves say — that they are a totally static com-
munity. But this image is by no means completely true. They use modern technology —
computers, cell phones, and radios — albeit with restrictions (for example, avoiding television
and never going to see fi lms in theaters). Viewing Hebrew as a holy language, many groups
have in the past preferred to use Yiddish among themselves for everyday use. Yet Haredim in
Israel increasingly speak Hebrew.
Originally, most Haredim rejected the idea of a Jewish state, believing that Jews should not
have sovereignty until the Messiah arrives. Yet they consider it a major
mitzvah
(good deed)
to live in the Land of Israel. In addition, some religious commandments can be fulfi lled only
by those dwelling there. Nonobservant Israeli Jews widely believe that all Haredim share this
rejection of Zionism, but in fact many in Haredi society do support the state, and their number
has increased over time.
Haredim represent about 7 percent of Israel's population and have an average of 6.5 chil-
dren per family — they follow the commandment to be fruitful and multiply. They tend to
live in concentrated communities, many in the Jerusalem neighborhoods of Mea Shearim,
Geula, and Sanhedria, as well as in the cities of Bnei Brak and Kiryat Sefer. Wealthy Haredim,
including many immigrants from North America and France, live in Ramat Bet Shemesh and
Har Nof, among other select places. Haredi communities produce many specialized products,
from publications to food and religious items.
They also wear distinctive clothing. Men wear black to mourn the destruction of the Tem-
ple: black suits with white shirts, black hats, and
tzitzit
(religiously mandated fringes worn on
a vest or another garment). Many wear long sidelocks in accordance with an interpretation of
the commandment not to harvest the corners of fi elds, originally an injunction to charity. The
women wear long skirts and long-sleeved blouses in muted colors, and married women cover
their hair with hats or headscarves or wear wigs.
Women's place in Haredi society is complicated. On one hand, the community takes very
seriously the notion of gender segregation and different gender roles. The traditional role for
Haredi women is as wife and mother. They do not have public religious roles and are ex-
cluded from yeshivot, which limits their religious education. But women are often the main
breadwinners in Haredi society and may achieve a level of practical education and vocational
training that men, who focus on religious education, do not. Since the 1990s, vocational schools
specifi cally geared to Haredim have proliferated, some for women and some for men who can-
not or do not want to spend years studying in a yeshiva.
The precise cut of a Haredi person's clothing, especially men's, identifi es the group to which
he or she belongs. There are two main groupings: the Hasidim, who often take a more mysti-
cal approach to religion and who follow a rebbe — a rabbi who is the community's charismatic
