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one of which participates in electoral politics and the other of which views even that step as
recognition of the Israeli state, which it considers to be heresy.
Traditionalist /pragmatist, Arab nationalist, or Islamist, these groups all identify with the
Palestinians of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, but not necessarily in the same way. Tradi-
tionalists and pragmatists see them in a fraternal matter; the nationalists see them as another
part of the same Palestinian nation with whom they should be united; and the Islamists see
them as part of the world Muslim community (
umma
). The nationalists support Fatah, the
Communists back the Palestinian Communists, and the Islamists endorse Hamas.
However Israeli Arabs defi ne their goals and allies, they do not seek to integrate fully into
mainstream Israeli society. They do not want a Western-style state based purely on citizenship
but either the status quo, involving a large degree of communal independence, or an Arab or
Islamic state.
Unless Israeli Arabs become involved in actual espionage or violence, they can express their
views without interference. But the potential outcome of this liberality was demonstrated by
the fate of the Arab nationalist party leader Azmi Bishara, a Christian, credibly accused of col-
laboration with Hizballah, who fl ed Israel for Syria in 2007.
The large Arab population in and around Jerusalem deals with an especially complex situ-
ation. The part of the city ruled by Jordan until 1967 and annexed by Israel when the city was
reunifi ed in 1967 was then home to Arab residents. By 2007, that number had increased to
260,500. Much of this increase was due to immigrants from West Bank towns and villages rather
than from natural population growth. When the city was annexed and all residents were offered
Israeli citizenship, most opted for permanent resident status instead. They are eligible to vote in
municipal elections and have the rights of city residents, but they may also vote in PA elections.
Despite threats from Palestinian organizations, some take Israeli citizenship, since it provides
them with benefi ts. In 2005, only about 5 percent of Jerusalem's Arabs were Israeli citizens.
Israel recognizes the Arab community as a religious, linguistic, and cultural minority. Arabs
have their own schools where classes are taught in Arabic. State radio and television stations
broadcast in Arabic, and there are independent Arabic publications. Muslims, Christians, and
Druze enjoy freedom of religion and receive state funding for religious institutions. Each re-
ligious community is responsible for matters of personal status — marriage, divorce, burial—
for its constituents, just as the Rabbinate administers all matters of personal status for Jews.
Offi cially, Israel grants equal rights to all its citizens regardless of ethnicity or religion, as
stated in the Declaration of Independence. The only major legal difference is that Jews and
Druze are drafted for military service. Some Bedouin volunteer, but very few Christian and
Muslim Arabs do, and those that do volunteer are stigmatized by their communities.
Still, there are disparities between the groups.
One reason for economic disparities between the Jewish and Arab communities is that most
of the educated and urban elite in the Palestinian community fl ed to Jordan or Lebanon in
1948. Now, half of the families living below the poverty line in Israel are Arab, and the majority
of the towns with the highest unemployment rates are Arab towns, even though the overall
economic situation of Arabs in Israel is better than it is in most Arab countries. The high rate
of unemployment among Arabs in Israel is attributed to their lower level of education, their
