Travel Reference
In-Depth Information
(compared to 20 percent in 2010). The Jewish population would be proportionately larger if
there were a major wave of immigration or if east Jerusalem were to become part of a Palestin-
ian state.
EMIGRATION
Although immigration outpaces emigration, some Israelis do choose to leave the country.
Emigrating from Israel is known as
yerida
, or “descent.” During the early years after indepen-
dence, emigration was considered so shameful that families left in virtual secrecy. With the
gradual normalization of society and the setting in of some cynicism, emigration was no longer
classed as a social sin.
Those emigrating can be divided into two basic categories. Some short-term immigrants
who fl ed Europe or, later, the Soviet Union ultimately did not want to remain in Israel. Many
immigrants from the North America also fi nd adjustment to be diffi cult or cannot fi nd appro-
priate jobs. In addition, there have been economic emigrants, often professionals who can pro-
cure high-paying jobs in the West (especially the United States) in their fi elds of specialization.
The estimated number of Israelis living abroad is reported to be as high as 700,000, about
450,000 of whom may live in North America. The Central Bureau of Statistics estimated that
in 2010 about 6,600 Jewish Israelis per year would leave the country for a protracted period of
time. The main reasons include a desire for a higher living standard, professional opportuni-
ties, and pursuit of advanced education. The security situation and the desire to escape the
tension of living in Israel are cited as secondary motives.
Many emigrants maintain close ties to Israel. From time to time, Israel has set up cam-
paigns to encourage those living abroad to return. In 2008, for example, the Ministry of Immi-
gration and Absorption launched an initiative offering returning residents fi nancial incentives,
including tax breaks. These programs have enjoyed some success.
FROM MELTING POT TO PLURALISM: SOCIOCULTURAL MINORITIES
Like other immigrant nations, Israel has struggled over how best to develop a cohesive society
with regard to assimilation alongside some preservation of subcultures. During the early years,
a systematic effort was made to encourage homogeneity among Jews. To become a normative
Israeli then, a citizen discarded ties to his or her country of origin and adopted an overall
European-oriented culture. Immigrants should come to the Land of Israel to “build and be
rebuilt”; they should shed such characteristics as fearfulness, lack of contact with nature, and
preference for commerce rather than manual labor — all perceived as typical of Diaspora Jews.
To be born as a new Israeli, newcomers, or at least their children, had to give up old customs.
Indeed, Ashkenazic immigrants underwent almost as much of a transformation as Mizrahi
immigrants; they changed from Russian, Polish, or German Jews into Israelis.
By the 1980s, Israeli society had developed distinct characteristics, a nation had been built,
and a cohesive people had been formed. In the relaxed, self-confi dent atmosphere of a ma-
turing state, differences in national origin were more accepted and were even woven into the
national culture. But pluralism was accepted within a very strong framework of national ho-
mogeneity. Most Israelis have not been very interested in where their ancestors came from;
